Police unionization in Baltimore

City officials opposed the organization of police as a group of workers, fearing the breakdown of order that might result from police strikes. However, Baltimore had a high proportion of minority and pro-union officers.^[3] Police officers who wanted to unionize met in secret for years before voting in 1966 to form Police Local 1195, a chapter of AFSCME.^[4] One of Local 1195's key leaders was Thomas Rapanotti—a labor organizer who worked in a coal mine, then at Martin Aircraft, then for AFSCME.^[5] Rapanotti expanded the union in Baltimore and made inroads into surrounding counties.^[6]

The Fraternal Order of Police (FOP) immediately presented itself as a competing union.^[4] FOP Lodge #3, which still exists, is independent from other types of workers and less militant as a labor group.

Conflict with Pomerleau

Baltimore's Police Commissioner, Donald D. Pomerleau, was particularly hostile to the idea of a police union. He repeatedly declined requests (from Baltimore's AFSCME Local 44 as well as from within BPD) to recognize Local 1195, even when much of the police force had joined.^[7]

Local 1195 and its allies in organized labor voiced many complaints against Pomerleau. In addition to criticizing Pomerleau's changes to department policy, they accused him of harassing and intimidating union leaders. The AFL–CIO called his actions 'union-busting'. In 1968, officers picketed BPD headquarters and demanded his resignation.^[8][9] Grievances with Pomerleau continued to mount. In a 1973 grand jury investigation on corruption within the BPD, Rapanotti accused him of spying and of applying polygraphs tests selectively only to lower-ranking officers.^[10] Banned from striking by its constitution, in March of this year the union began to consider job actions.^[11]

Collective bargaining

By 1973, about 2,000 of Baltimore's 3,500 police officers claimed membership in Local 1195. AFSCME leaders and representatives from other public employee unions and organizations pressed the City of Baltimore for collective bargaining rights and higher wages.^[12] Some of the officers had worked previously at Bethlehem Steel and been on strike before.^[13]

In November 1973, Pomerleau agreed to recognize collective representation for police, and held an election to choose an exclusive bargaining agent. He stipulated that whatever the result, no secondary boycotts, slow-downs, stoppages, or strikes would be allowed.^[14] Local 1195 won the election by a large margin, with 1,488 votes to 769 for FOP 3. Turnout was 85%. After Local 1195's victory, Rapanotti laid out a 26-point proposal for the city.^[15]

Local 1195 immediately attempted to make good on the promise that collective bargaining might improve conditions and wages for police officers. The police asked for an increase of their salary range from $8,761–$11,082 to $12,500–$14,500. The city offered 5.5% raise, with a 0.5% increase in benefits. This package had recently been accepted by other city workers, including teachers, who went on strike in February of the same year. (The salary raise was 5.5% or 20 cents an hour, whichever was greater for the workers at hand. For many other municipal employees, 20 cents an hour was greater.) On June 30, Local 1195 voted unanimously to reject the city's offer.^[16]

Municipal workers strike

On July 1, 1974, over 700 sanitation workers walked off their jobs in a wildcat strike (against the wishes of their union leadership in AFSCME Local 44). Workers cited low wages (they wanted a 50 cent raise instead of a 20 cent raise) and undignified conditions (heat, exhaust fumes, and poorly maintained trucks) as reasons for striking. Mayor Schaefer threatened to fire them all.^[17] Soon after the strike began, AFSCME announced its support and sent major leaders from its national offices. By July 7 approximately 2,500 municipal sanitation workers, corrections officers, and other personnel had gone on strike.^[18] The atmosphere created by this strike emboldened the police force to push harder for their own demands.

Police job actions

Baltimore's police officers sympathized with other city workers, increasing their readiness to strike.^[12] The municipal strike—with garbage pileups and rioting inmates—also created an atmosphere of crisis, in which the role of police would be especially conspicuous.^[19] On July 6, the union formed a steering committee, with 84 members, to plan job actions intended to pressure the city for negotiations. According to the findings disclosed by a 1977 court case, these actions had "tacit approval" from Commissioner Pomerleau, who also wanted the city to negotiate further.^[14]

On July 7, police began 'job actions' that signaled their discontent. Officers would write lengthy reports on pennies ("objects of value") found along the side of the road and would turn obvious samples of tobacco over to the police lab for drug analysis.^[13][20] There was a massive increase in traffic stops and a 1000% increase in tickets issued. One ticket led to an altercation resulting in three arrests. Mayor Schaefer's limousine was ticketed twice.^[21] Kenneth Webster, a state delegate, was arrested (on littering charges), for tearing up one of these tickets in front of the ticketing officer.^[22] John A. Lann, a police officer, was arrested and suspended from the BPD for blocking traffic on the newly constructed I-83. Union officials threatened a total strike if he was not released.^[22]

These actions mounted day by day and garnered widespread attention. On July 10, police cars blocked two out of three lanes on Franklin St. downtown.^[23]

Decision to strike

Pressure for a strike had been building since the new contract was announced on June 30. Rapanotti opposed a full strike, predicting (correctly): "This thing is only a week old. If you pull and strike at this moment, they're going over there and offer the garbagemen some money, and we're going to be standing there holding our Yo-Yo's."^[5] But after four days of job actions, the union's members were ready to escalate.

After meeting for an hour and a half on the afternoon of Thursday, July 11, members of the steering committee decided unanimously to go on strike.^[24]

Striking and nonstriking officers

It is estimated that nearly 1,300 police officers of the 2,300 went on strike.^[27] Nonstriking officers worked overtime: 12 hours a day, 7 days a week.^[28] (According to Pomerleau, there were only 565 strikers;^[29] most sources said his estimate was too low.^[30])

Newspapers reported tension between striking and non-striking officers.^[13][31] "Don't trust that guy," one striking officer said of a working officer to a national guard soldier.^[32] Some nonstriking officers likewise felt betrayed by their fellow workers and by Local 1195, which was officially a non-striking union.^[33]

Officers of the Fraternal Order of Police released statements opposing the strike.^[34]

Fourteen white youths picketed the strikers, displaying signs that said "Safety First; Money Second".^[35]

Effect on crime

After the walkout on Thursday, July 11, the BPD and the fire department received increased looting and arson reports. Trash fires (facilitated by the sanitation workers' strike) were the most common violation reported. These fires intensified immediately in southwest Baltimore, where all 22 officers on the night shift had walked off.^[24] Fire alarms increased to hundreds per day, and some fire fighters were harassed when they arrived on the scene.^[36] Neighborhoods already high in crime saw more of it.^[31]

Police reported that the city was particularly quiet on the night of Friday, July 12.^[35][37] This abrupt halt in reported crimes coincided with the visible arrival of outside forces.

One man, identified as a looter, was shot and killed by a nonstriking officer on July 12.^[37] Commissioner Pomerleau declared, "We're in a semi-riot mode, similar to the 1968 riots."^[38] However, activity in the streets never reached the same levels, and much less damage resulted.

Impact on the union

On July 17, Commissioner Pomerleau revoked the union's right to bargain,^[53][54] citing the terms of his 1973 order.^[34] He also announced and announced that union dues would no longer be 'checked off' automatically from workers' paychecks and that union leaders would not be allowed to visit police headquarters unescorted.^[48]

The union of police supervisors (Local 1599), withdrew their membership in AFSCME.^[48]

Local 1195, along with AFSCME, filed a lawsuit against Pomerleau and Mandel for union busting and illegal spying. The suit also accused Captain Donald E. Einolf and Edward Crowder as agents of an anti-union conspiracy.^[55] This lawsuit was lost in 1977.^[14]

The city refused to allow police collective bargaining (let alone right to strike) until 1982.^[56]

Resentment

With no reprieve from the city, the formerly striking officers turned to Governor Mandel, asking him to re-authorize their union and impose amnesty.^[57] Mandel, feuding with AFSCME president Wurf, refused to assist them, declaring that he would prefer to lose the union's support in his re-election campaign.^[58]

Some officers felt sold out, or used as "cannon fodder," by the union leaders.^[57] Twenty of the officers who were fired sued national and local AFSCME offices in 1977 for false representation and negligence, charging that they should not have authorized an illegal strike that could lead them to lose their jobs.^[59]

Tension persisted between strikers and non-strikers. Some of the officers who did not strike opposed amnesty for those who did.^[33]