Revolutionary Tendency

In the early 1960s, most American Trotskyists were organized in the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) as part of the International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI). Tim Wohlforth was a youth leader in that party and was opposed to the course of the organization, which was heading toward reunification with the International Secretariat of the Fourth International (ISFI). With others, including James Robertson, he formed the Revolutionary Tendency (RT) within the SWP. It developed links with the Socialist Labour League in Britain, led by Gerry Healy.

They saw the course of the SWP towards a regrouping with the ISFI, which had long been called Pabloite by members of the ICFI as breaking with basic Trotskyist principles. The party leadership at the same time blocked discussion over other issues, such as the SWP's support for Fidel Castro as an "unconscious" Trotskyist.

The ICFI leadership, supported by the RT, argued that if a revolution can be carried out by an unconscious Trotskyist, there was no point of building the Fourth International as the conscious leadership of the working class. The ICFI traced the SWP's support for Cuba to their "regroupment" policy, in which according to the ICFI they attempted to gain the support of the middle class radical supporters of Cuba. The ICFI claimed this was done without a genuine discussion of the principles of the Fourth International.

Reorganized Minority Tendency

The two main leaders of the RT had different evaluations of the SWP. Robertson's position led the SWP to expel him and his supporters first, but he and his supporters did not join the ICFI. Robertson's group went on to form the Spartacist League. The remainder of the tendency, now led by Wohlforth alone, renamed their group the Reorganized Minority Tendency.

Wohlforth and a small handful of his supporters were themselves expelled early in September 1964, proclaiming themselves the American Committee for the Fourth International (ACFI) and launching the biweekly Bulletin of International Socialism.^[3] They maintained connections with Gerry Healy and the rest of the ICFI, which they considered the legitimate Trotskyist movement, becoming that group's American section.

Wohlforth and his co-thinkers claimed the split was due to their insistence on a discussion of the decision by the Sri Lankan Lanka Sama Samaja Party to participate in the national government. They characterized this decision as "opportunism" that originated in the "centrist" position of the LSSP during the split between the ISFI and ICFI of 1953.

Workers League

The ACFI grew throughout the 1960s along with most leftist groupings. The ACFI was renamed the Workers League (WL) in 1966 and developed into a nationwide organization with hundreds of members. Its youth work, which led to the development of the Young Socialists, was particularly successful in this period.

In 1985, the ICFI split over policies advanced by the Workers Revolutionary Party in Britain. The policies they disagreed with included supporting national bourgeois regimes, including those of Saddam Hussein and Muammar Gadhafi; and supporting Gordon McLennan, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Great Britain.^{[citation needed]} Many of Healy's former supporters saw these moves as a repetition of the mistakes of Pabloism.

The Workers League engaged in a long-term campaign against the rival Socialist Workers Party (SWP). In the 1970s, they issued a report titled "Security and the Fourth International" which alleged, amongst other things, that leading SWP member Joseph Hansen, who had been an assistant to Leon Trotsky during his Mexico City exile, was an accomplice in his assassination alleging that he and by implication the SWP were agents of the Soviet secret police (GPU). The WL also supported a lawsuit against the SWP by expelled member Alan Gelfand, who argued that he had been unconstitutionally deprived of his freedom of political expression by being expelled from the SWP by agents of the government. He attempted to force the government to reveal all its agents in the SWP and force the SWP to readmit him as a member. The lawsuit was dismissed in 1989, but not before confirming that former SWP leader Jim Cannon's secretary, Sylvia Callen (referred to by then-SWP national secretary Jack Barnes as his "hero"), had been a GPU agent.

The WL and its successor organization, the Socialist Equality Party, also countered the SWP's campaign in defense of Mark Curtis with its own campaign alleging that the SWP member was guilty of the sexual assault charge for which he was imprisoned.^[4][5]

Socialist Equality Party

In 1995, the various parties affiliated with the ICFI renamed themselves the Socialist Equality Party. The ICFI launched the World Socialist Web Site in 1998.^[6] The party is also associated with the publishing house Mehring Books, formerly known as Labor Publications.^[7]

In 2006, the Socialist Equality Party relaunched its student movement (the Students for Social Equality) as the International Students for Social Equality, which was renamed the International Youth and Students for Social Equality (IYSSE) in 2012.^[8]

The Obama administration

The Socialist Equality Party claims that the majority of left-wing opponents of the Bush administration have "lined up behind the Obama Administration", despite the fact, they say, that the Obama administration's policies are in many respects similar to those of the Bush administration.^[9] The Socialist Equality Party seeks to create a mass movement in opposition to the Obama administration on the basis of a socialist program.

Workers' struggles and the trade unions

Although some members^[10] of the Socialist Equality Party are union members and the party is committed to working within those organizations,^[11] it does not seek to facilitate any sort of social change through the trade unions, which they characterize as having interests antithetical to the workers they represent. The party calls for a break with the American union bureaucracies and the formation of "workplace committees" that will carry on economic struggles.^[12]

International revolution

The Socialist Equality Party believes the revolution against capitalism is international in scope.^[13] Therefore, the strategy of the party flows from a consideration of the international conditions of the working class.

Class unity

The Socialist Equality Party supports the unity of the working class and opposes "identity politics". According to the party, the "shift from class to identity has been at the expense of an understanding of the real causes, rooted in the capitalist system, of the hardships that confront all working people. At its worst, it has promoted a competition among different "identities" for access to educational institutions, jobs and other "opportunities" which, in a socialist society, would be freely available to all people without such demeaning, dehumanizing and arbitrary distinctions".^[14] The party opposes all forms of discrimination on any grounds and asserts that only a politically unified working class, composed of all races, religions and sexual orientations, can bring forth a free society.^[15]

Democratic rights

The Socialist Equality Party believes democracy is a fundamental characteristic of the struggle for socialism and the party states: "Political equality is impossible without economic equality. Like the struggle against war, the fight to defend and expand democratic rights requires the independent political mobilization of the working class, on the basis of a socialist program, to conquer state power".^[15] Further, "it would favor the abolition of existing institutions that either curtail democratic processes or serve as centers of conspiracy against the people (such as the imperial Presidency, standing army, and national-security apparatus). These and other necessary changes of a profoundly democratic character, to be determined by the masses themselves, are possible only in the context of the mass mobilization of the working class, imbued with socialist consciousness".^[14]

Imperialism and war

The Socialist Equality Party asserts that capitalism leads inevitably to war as imperialist states seek geo-political dominance, spheres of influence, markets, control of vital resources and access to cheap labor.^[15] Therefore, the party encourages and supports the widest mass protests against American militarism and its plans for war. The War on Terror is viewed as an assertion of imperial aggression on behalf of corporate interests and the party calls for an end to the conflicts in the Middle East.^[15]

Presidential elections

Congressional elections

State elections

Local elections