The Islamist movement in Sudan started in universities and high schools as early as the 1940s under the influence of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood.^[1] The Islamic Liberation Movement, a precursor of the Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood, began in 1949.^[1] Hassan Al-Turabi then took control of it under the name of the Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood.^[1] In 1964, he became secretary-general of the Islamic Charter Front (ICF), an activist movement that served as the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood.^[1]  Other Islamist groups in Sudan included the Front of the Islamic Pact and the Party of the Islamic Bloc.^[1][2]

As of 2011, Al-Turabi, who created the Islamist Popular Congress Party, had been the leader of Islamists in Sudan for the last half century.^[1] Al-Turabi's philosophy drew selectively from Sudanese, Islamic, and Western political thought to fashion an ideology for the pursuit of power.^[1] Al-Turabi supported sharia and the concept of an Islamic state, but his vision was not Wahhabi or Salafi.^[1] He appreciated that the majority of Sudanese followed Sufi Islam, which he set out to change with new ideas.^[1] He did not extend legitimacy to Sufis, Mahdists, and clerics, whom he saw as incapable of addressing the challenges of modern life.^[1] One of the strengths of his vision was to consider different trends in Islam.^[1] Although the political base for his ideas was probably relatively small, he had an important influence on Sudanese politics and religion.^[1]

Following the 2018–2019 Sudanese Revolution and 2019 coup, the future of Islamism in Sudan was in question.^[3][4]

Under the Turco-Egyptian rule, Sudan saw the rise of politically driven religious movements. This was highlighted by the Mahdist Uprising in 1843, led by Muhammad Ahmad against the Turco-Egyptian rule. After liberating Khartoum and killing General Charles Gordon, the Mahdist state was established in 1885. Despite its defeat by British forces in 1899, the movement's influence persisted with its followers known as "Ansar." and later, in February 1945, forming the "Umma" Party by Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi to advocate for Sudan's independence from Anglo-Egyptian rule.^[5]

Conversely, during the Turco-Egyptian rule in Sudan, the "Khatmiyyah," established by Muhammad Othman al-Mirghani al-Khitmi in 1817, received support. It remained influential during the British occupation and served as a rival to the Ansar movement. In 1943, the Khatmiyyah leader backed the "brothers" movement and the Unity of the Nile Valley movement, advocating for Sudan's autonomy within a united structure with Egypt, which later became the "National Unionist Party (NUP)."^[5] despite Khatmiyyah still receiving an annual British endowment, the British, concerned about Khatmiyyah's growing political influence, have sought to counteract this by bolstering the political position of Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi.^[6] The Khatmiyyah split from the NUP in June 1956 to form "The People's Democratic Party," which eventually merged with the Democratic Unionist Party in December 1967.^[5]

The Muslim Brotherhood's presence in Sudan was initiated by Jamal al-Din al-Sanhuri in 1946. By 1948, the organisation had grown to include fifty branches in Sudan. However, the British authorities denied the group permission to operate.^[5]

In 1949, the "Islamic Liberation Movement" emerged at Gordon Memorial College, aiming to counter communist influence among students. Despite ideological similarities with the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, the movement distanced itself from it. The Eid Conference of August 1954 resolved leadership conflicts, leading to the adoption of the name "The Muslim Brotherhood" for the movement in Sudan. This decision caused divisions, resulting in the formation of the Islamic Group in 1954 and the Islamic Socialist Party in 1964.^[5]

The Muslim Brotherhood's political engagement increased in December 1955, leading to the establishment of the "Islamic Front for the Constitution." The front advocated for an Islamic constitution after independence.^[5]

In 1959, Al-Rashid al-Taher, a leader of the Sudanese Brotherhood, was arrested for alleged involvement in the 1959 coup attempt. His removal led to a decline in the group's activities. Meanwhile, the Islamic Group and the Islamic Socialist Party faced limited success. Babikr Karar's ideas, which aimed to reconcile Islam, socialism, and Arab nationalism, did not gain significant attention. After the 1969 Numeiri coup, Karar relocated to Libya following the September Al-Fateh Revolution. His later attempts to revive the experiment achieved limited success.^[5]

Hassan al-Turabi, a professor of constitutional law at the University of Khartoum, rose to prominence during the October 1964 revolution. He then founded the "Islamic Charter Front," which aimed to establish an Islamic constitution and united several Islamic groups. The Front won seven seats in the 1965 elections but saw a decrease in the 1968 elections. Al-Turabi expanded the Front's membership and turned it into a pressure group that led to the banning of the Sudanese Communist Party in November 1965. After his election as Attorney General in April 1969, some members left the group due to his political approach. However, this split remained inactive due to the coup by Nimeiri and the subsequent Mayo regime.^[5]

After Nimeiri's regime fell due to the 1985 coup d'état, al-Turabi and his colleagues formed the National Islamic Front (NIF), which emerged as a significant opposition force following their success in the Constituent Assembly elections. The NIF, led by al-Turabi, effectively blocked attempts by Sadiq al-Mahdi, the government and parliamentary majority leader, to repeal the controversial September laws and advance peace talks with the southern region.^[5]

Under increasing pressure, Al-Sadiq Al-Mahdi formed an alliance with the NIF in May 1988, leading to the creation of the Government of National Accord. Al-Turabi, as Minister of Justice, was tasked with reforming Sharia laws. Both the nation and the front faced a peace agreement proposed by Muhammad Othman al-Mirghani, leader of the Democratic Unionist Party, with the Sudan People's Liberation Army, the main opposition in the south.^[5]

Sadiq al-Mahdi, who initially opposed the Islamic laws he later supported, envisioned a fully Arabised and Islamised southern Sudan. His failure to address Sudan's problems resulted in a military coup by Brigadier Genera Omar al-Bashir in June 1989, which further solidified Islamic principles.^[7]

In response to growing challenges related to southern peace talks and the September Laws, Sadiq al-Mahdi reformed the Government of National Accord in February 1988. Al-Turabi's role within the coalition grew, leading him to become Foreign Minister, a move that caused concern in Egypt. In February 1989, the army issued a memorandum to the government, calling for the approval of Al-Mirghani's peace agreement and the resolution of the economic crisis. The NIF viewed this memorandum as a direct attack on them due to their staunch opposition to peace talks with the southern region.^[5]

On 30 June 1989, Omar al-Bashir led a coup, come to be known as "National Rescue Revolution," the against the democratic government, citing economic failures and inability to establish Central African relations as reasons. This led to the arrest of several political leaders, including Hassan al-Turabi. However, by December, the Revolutionary Command Council for National Salvation officers pledged loyalty to al-Turabi. Together, they formed the "Council of Defenders of the Revolution," assuming political leadership.^[5]

The regime solidified its power using authoritarian tools, establishing a political security apparatus called "Internal Security," led by Colonel Bakri Hassan Saleh. This body was known for its notorious detention facilities, "ghost houses," where intellectuals were detained and tortured.^[5]

In December 1991, the regime introduced a stricter penal code than the September laws and established the "People's Police," akin to Saudi Arabia's Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice. Public freedoms were eroded, and political parties were abolished.^[5]

Before these events, al-Turabi and his wife, Wissal Al-Mahdi(the sister of his rival Al-Sadiq Al-Mahdi), held open jurisprudential positions that drew criticism. Al-Turabi had advocated for constitutional rule, but this didn't align with the regime's social policies.^[5]

Al-Turabi also worked internationally, trying to establish an "Islamic International" and reconcile with leftist and nationalist groups. In April 1991, he founded the "Arab and Islamic People's Conference," attended by various countries' representatives. That year, Osama bin Laden moved to Khartoum, welcomed by al-Turabi, who facilitated bin Laden's marriage to a relative. Training camps for armed Islamic groups were established in Sudan, and al-Turabi attempted mediation between Hamas and the Palestine Liberation Organization.^[5]

Al-Turabi's association with the Egyptian Islamic Jihad in a 1995 assassination plot against Egyptian President Mohamed Hosni Mubarak drew widespread attention. UN sanctions on Sudan in 1996 led to Bin Laden's departure and a decline in al-Turabi's influence. The extradition of Carlos the Jackal to France in 1994 also caused unrest within the National Front towards al-Turabi.^[5]

After ten years of upheaval, al-Bashir removed al-Turabi from the National Council presidency in 1999 and ousted him from the National Congress Party's General Secretariat. Al-Turabi responded by forming the "Popular Congress Party" and pragmatically signed a memorandum of understanding with the Sudan People's Liberation Movement, a former adversary, leading to his imprisonment.^[5]

During the power struggle between al-Bashir and al-Turabi, the Sudanese Islamic Movement's core body sided with al-Bashir. Ali Othman Taha, a prominent Islamist figure who served as vice president from 1998 to 2013, was among them. The regime became highly militarised during this period, and Islamists were often derisively called "Kizans" (cups in Sudanese Arabic) due to al-Turabi's saying, "Religion is a sea, and we are its cup (kizan)".^[5]

The Muslim Brotherhood's international organisation branch, led by Sheikh Sadiq Abdullah Abdul Majid and Professor Youssef Nour Al-Daim [ar], faced a crisis in 1991 when an extremist faction won elections. This faction later split into two groups, one of which declared support for Islamic State (ISIS). In 2012, Sheikh Ali Jawish was elected as the group's general observer in Sudan, and under his leadership, a division emerged within the group. Despite being dismissed in 2017, Jawish retained his title until his death.^[5]

After the overthrow of Turabi, the Brotherhood participated in the Bashir regime's governments and later joined the December 2018 protest, but the group has limited influence.^[5]

Following Sudan transition to democracy, smaller Islamic groups have emerged, either splitting from other movements or being founded by young Islamic intellectuals. These include the "Change Now" movement, the "National Coordination Initiative for Change and Construction", and the "Democratic Islamists" movement. Other initiatives include the "Reform and Renaissance Initiative" and the "Future Now Initiative". These groups have various stances towards the Bashir regime and different visions for the future of Sudan.^[5][8]

• Warburg, Gabriel (1995). "Mahdism and Islamism in Sudan". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 27 (2): 219–236. ISSN 0020-7438.
• An-Na'im, Abdullahi Ahmed (1989). "Constitutionalism and Islamization in the Sudan". Africa Today. 36 (3/4): 11–28. ISSN 0001-9887.
• Noble-Frapin, Ben (2009). "The Role of Islam in Sudanese Politics: a Socio-Historical Perspective". Irish Studies in International Affairs. 20: 69–82. ISSN 0332-1460.
• Warburg, Gabriel R. (October 1985). "Islam and State in Numayri's Sudan". Africa. 55 (4): 400–413. doi:10.2307/1160174. ISSN 1750-0184.
• Fluehr-Lobban, Carolyn (1990). "Islamization in Sudan: A Critical Assessment". Middle East Journal. 44 (4): 610–623. ISSN 0026-3141.