Palatalized consonants

Most consonants possesses phonetically palatalized counterparts. Pairs of palatalized and non-palatalized consonants contrast before the back vowels /a o u/, but are in complementary distribution before the front vowels: only the palatalized version occurs before /i/, and only the non-palatalized version occurs before /e/. Palatalized consonants are normally analyzed as allophones conditioned by the presence of a following /i/ or /j/. When this analysis is adopted, the surface contrast between non-palatalized and palatalized consonants before back vowels is interpreted as a contrast between plain consonants and biphonemic /Cj/ sequences.

/mi/ > [mʲi]	/umi/ > [ɯmʲi]	海, umi, 'sea'
/mj/ > [mʲ]	/mjaku/ > [mʲaku][10]	脈, myaku, 'pulse'

Some phonologists have suggested that palatalized consonants could instead be analyzed as distinct consonants of their own (/Cʲ/).^[27] However, Nogita 2006 argues for the cluster analysis /Cj/, noting that in Japanese, syllables such as [bja, gja, mja, nja, ɾja] show a longer average duration than their non-palatalized counterparts [ba, ga, ma, na, ɾa]^[28] (whereas comparable duration differences were not generally found between pairs of palatalized and unpalatalized consonants in Russian).^[29]

The phonemic analysis described above can be applied straightforwardly to the palatalized counterparts of /p b k g m n r/, as in the following examples:

/ɡ/ > [ɡʲ]	/ɡjoːza/ > [ɡʲoːza]	ぎょうざ, gyōza, 'fried dumpling'
/r/ > [ɾʲ]	/kiri/ > [kʲiɾʲi]	霧, kiri, 'fog'

The palatal counterpart of /n/ is pronounced as prepalatal [ɲ̟]:^[10]

/n/ > [ɲ̟]

/nihoN/ > [ɲ̟ihoɴ]

日本, Nihon, 'Japan'

The glides /j w/ cannot precede /j/.^[30] The alveolar-palatal sibilants [t͡ɕ ɕ (d)ʑ] can be analyzed as the palatalized allophones of /t s z/, but it is debated whether this phonemic interpretation remains accurate in light of contrasts found in loanword phonology. For example, [t͡ɕi] [t͡ɕu] would according to the traditional view be transcribed as /ti/ /tju/, but some analysts would instead transcribe them as /t͡si/ /t͡sju/ or /t͡ɕi/ /t͡ɕu/.

The palatalized counterpart of /h/ is normally described as [ç] (although some speakers do not distinguish [ç] from [ɕ]^[31]):

/h/ > [ç]	/hito/ > [çito]	人, hito, 'person'
/hj/ > [ç]	/hjaku/ > [çakɯ]	百, hyaku, 'hundred'

A few palatalized consonants turn up only in loanword vocabulary, namely [ɸʲ tʲ dʲ].

Alveolo-palatal sibilants

For coronal obstruents, the palatalization goes further, resulting in alveolo-palatal sibilants (e.g. [ta] 田, ta, 'field' versus [t͡ɕa] 茶, cha, 'tea'):^[32]

/s/ > [ɕ]	/sio/ > [ɕi.o]	塩, shio, 'salt'
/z/ > [d͡ʑ] or [ʑ]	/zisiN/ > [d͡ʑiɕiɴ]	地震, jishin, 'earthquake'
/t/ > [t͡ɕ]	/tiziN/ > [t͡ɕid͡ʑiɴ] ~ [t͡ɕiʑiɴ]	知人, chijin, 'acquaintance'

The coronal obstruents /t d s z/ underwent coalescent palatalization when historically followed by /j/:

/sj/ > [ɕ]	/sjaboN/ > [ɕaboɴ]	シャボン, shabon, 'soap'
/zj/ > [d͡ʑ ~ ʑ]	/ɡozjuː/ > [ɡod͡ʑɯː] ~ [ɡoʑɯː] /zjaɡaimo/ > [d͡ʑaɡaimo]	五十, gojū, 'fifty' じゃがいも, jagaimo, 'potato'
/tj/ > [t͡ɕ]	/tja/ > [t͡ɕa]	茶, cha, 'tea'

Therefore, alveolo-palatal [t͡ɕ d͡ʑ ɕ ʑ] can be analyzed as positional allophones of /t d s z/ before /i/, or as the surface realization of underlying /tj dj sj zj/ clusters before other vowels. For example, [ɕi] can be analyzed as /si/ and [ɕa] as /sja/. Likewise, [t͡ɕi] can be analyzed as /ti/ and /t͡ɕa/ as /tja/. (These analyses correspond to the representation of these sounds in the Japanese spelling system.) Most dialects show a merger in the pronunciation of underlying /d and z/ before /j/ or /i/, with the resulting merged phone varying between [ʑ] and [d͡ʑ]. The contrast between /d and z/ is also neutralized before /u/ in most dialects (see above).

Some linguists adopt an analysis where Japanese [t͡ɕ (d)ʑ ɕ] (but not other palatalized consonants) are their own phonemes.^[30] Arguments for this include the following:

• Standard Japanese is widely recognized to now show a surface contrast between [t͡ɕi (d)ʑi] and unaffricated [ti di].^[30] The latter of these pairs occurs in vocabulary with a foreign origin. A more marginal contrast may exist between [ɕi and [si].^[30] (*[si] and *[(d)zi] usually do not occur even in loanwords, so that English cinema > [ɕinema] シネマ, shinema;^[33] although they may be written スィ and ズィ respectively, they are rarely found even among the most innovative speakers and do not occur phonemically.^[34][35])
• The sequences [t͡ɕe (d)ʑe ɕe] are used and faithfully realized in loanwords, whereas /je/ is variably replaced with /ie/ and consonant + /je/ sequences such as [pje], [kje] are generally absent.^[30]
• Phonetically, [t͡ɕ (d)ʑ ɕ] display not only palatalization, but also a shift from alveolar to postalveolar articulation.^[30]
• The aforementioned duration contrast observed between /Ca/ and /Cja/ syllables was not found between the pair [d͡za] and [d͡ʑa].^[36]

Alternatively, affrication but not palatalization may be analyzed as phonemic for both voiceless and voiced coronal obstruents. When this analysis is adopted, [t͡ɕ] is analyzed as a palatalized allophone of an underlying affricate phoneme /t͡s/, just as [(d)ʑ] is analyzed as a palatalized allophone of /(d)z/.^[10]

Voiceless coronal affricate

In core vocabulary, [t͡s] can be analyzed as an allophone of /t/ before /u/:^[37]

In loanwords, however, [t͡s] can occur before other vowels: examples include [tsaitoɡaisɯto] ツァイトガイスト, tsaitogaisuto, 'zeitgeist'; [eɾitsiɴ] エリツィン, Eritsin, 'Yeltsin'.

Voiceless bilabial fricative

In core vocabulary, [ɸ] can be analyzed as an allophone of /h/ before /u/:^[37]

In loanwords, [ɸ] can occur before other vowels or before /j/. Examples include [ɸaito] ファイト, faito, 'fight'; [ɸjɯː(d)ʑoɴ] フュージョン, fyūjon, 'fusion'. [ɸ] and [h] are distinguished before vowels except [ɯ] (e.g. English fork > [ɸoːkɯ] フォーク, fōku versus hawk > [hoːkɯ] ホーク, hōku). (Some old borrowings show adaptation of foreign [f] to Japanese [h] before a vowel other than /u/, but in borrowings more recent than around 1890, [ɸ] has fairly consistently been used in this context.^[38])

In all layers of the vocabulary, *[hɯ] is not distinguished from [ɸɯ]^[33] (e.g. English hood and food > [ɸɯːdo] フード, fūdo).

Moraic consonants N Q

The phonemic status of moraic consonants is disputed.

One analysis, particularly popular among Japanese scholars, posits that geminate (that is, double) obstruent consonants begin with a special "mora phoneme" (モーラ 音素, Mōra onso) /Q/, which corresponds to a unit of Japanese orthography, the sokuon^[39] (Hiragana: ⟨っ⟩; Katakana: ⟨ッ⟩). Likewise, the moraic nasal is treated by some analyses as a placeless nasal /N/, which likewise corresponds to a unit of Japanese orthography, the hatsuon^[40] (Hiragana: ⟨ん⟩; Katakana: ⟨ン⟩). These can be seen as archiphonemes that have no underlying place of articulation (and also no manner of articulation, in the case of /Q/), instead manifesting as several phonetic realizations depending on context.

In the analysis with archiphonemes, geminate consonants are the realization of the sequences /Nn/, /Nm/ and sequences of /Q/ followed by an obstruent. In the analysis without archiphonemes, geminate clusters are simply two identical consonants, one after the other.

For example, in those approaches that incorporate /Q/, it is said to completely assimilate to the following obstruent. The assimilated /Q/ remains unreleased, resulting phonetically in a geminate consonant:

[p̚] before [p]	/niQ.poN/ > [ɲip̚.poɴ]	日本, nippon, 'Japan'
[s] before [s]	/kaQ.seN/ > [kas.seɴ]	合戦, kassen, 'battle'
[t̚] before [t͡ɕ]	/saQ.ti/ > [sat̚.t͡ɕi]	察知, satchi, 'inference'

Another analysis of Japanese dispenses with /Q/.^[41] In such an approach, the words above are phonemicized as shown below:

[p̚] before [p]	/nip.poN/ > [ɲip̚.poɴ]	日本, nippon, 'Japan'
[s] before [s]	/kas.seN/ > [kas.seɴ]	合戦, kassen, 'battle'
[t̚] before [t͡ɕ]	/sat.ti/ > [sat̚.t͡ɕi]	察知, satchi, 'inference'

Likewise, rather than being considered a distinct phoneme /N/, the moraic nasal may be considered an allophone of /n/ in syllable-final (coda) position^[41][42] (this requires treating syllable or mora boundaries as potentially distinctive, in order to explain the contrast between the moraic nasal and non-moraic /n/ before a vowel). Alternatively, its uvular realization may be taken as basic, i.e., /ɴ/.^[43]

Gemination can of course also be transcribed with a length mark (e.g. [ɲipːoɴ]), but this notation obscures mora boundaries.

Velar nasal onset

/ɡ/ may be realized as a velar nasal [ŋ] when it occurs within words—this includes not only between vowels but also between a consonant and a vowel. There is a fair amount of variation between speakers, however. Vance (1987) suggests that the variation follows social class,^[44] while Akamatsu (1997) suggests that the variation follows age and geographic location.^[45] The generalized situation is as follows.

Standard Japanese speakers can be categorized into 3 groups, referred to as A-, B-, and C-speakers, as defined below. If a B-speaker consistently realizes a given word with the allophone [ŋ], they will never employ [ɣ] as an allophone in that same word. A-speakers vary between [ŋ] and [ɡ], and C-speakers are generally consistent in using [ɡ]: for these groups, the velar fricative [ɣ] is another possible allophone in fast speech.

At the beginning of words

All present-day standard Japanese speakers generally use the stop [ɡ] at the beginning of words.

外遊, gaiyū, 'overseas trip'

/ɡaijuu/ > [ɡaijɯː], but not *[ŋaijɯː]

In the middle of simple words (i.e. non-compounds)

	家具, kagu, 'furniture'
A-speakers, a majority, use either [ŋ] or [ɡ] in free variation.	/kaɡu/ > [kaŋɯ] or [kaɡɯ]
B-speakers, a minority, consistently use [ŋ].	/kaɡu/ > [kaŋɯ] but not *[kaɡɯ]
C-speakers, the majority in western Japan with a smaller minority in Kantō, consistently use [ɡ].	/kaɡu/ > [kaɡɯ] but not *[kaŋɯ]

In the middle of compound words (morpheme-initially)

B-speakers consistently use [ɡ] when /ɡ/ occurs morpheme-initially. Thus, for them the words [seŋɡo] 千五, sengo, 'one thousand and five' and [seŋŋo] 戦後, sengo, 'postwar'^[46] are a minimal pair, while for others they are homophonous.

To summarize:

	はげ, hage, 'baldness'
A-speakers	/haɡe/ > [haŋe] or [haɡe] or [haɣe]
B-speakers	/haɡe/ > [haŋe]
C-speakers	/haɡe/ > [haɡe] or [haɣe]

Some phonologists posit a distinct phoneme /ŋ/, citing pairs such as [oːɡaɾasɯ] (大硝子, 'big sheet of glass') versus [oːŋaɾasɯ] (大烏, 'big raven').^[47]

Palatals

Japanese syllables may start with the palatal glide /j/ or with consonant + /j/ clusters. These onsets normally can be found only before the back vowels /a o u/.

Before /i/, /j/ never occurs. All consonants are phonetically palatalized before /i/, but do not contrast in this position with unpalatalized consonants: as a result, palatalization in this context can be analyzed as allophonic. In native Japanese vocabulary, coronal obstruent phones (i.e. [t s d (d)z]) do not occur before /i/, and in contexts where a morphological process such as verb inflection would place a coronal obstruent phoneme before /i/, the coronal is replaced with an alveolo-palatal sibilant, resulting in alternations such as [matanai] 'wait' (negative) vs. [mat͡ɕimasu] 'wait' (polite) or [kasanai] 'lend' (negative) vs. [kaɕimasu] 'lend' (polite).^[73] Thus, [t͡ɕ ɕ (d)ʑ] function in native vocabulary as the palatalized counterparts of coronal consonant phonemes. However, the analysis of alveolo-palatal sibilants as palatalized allophones of coronal consonants is complicated by loanwords. The sequences [ti di] are distinguished from [t͡ɕi (d)ʑi] in recent loanwords (with [ti] generally preserved in words borrowed more recently than 1930^[74]) and to a lesser extent, some speakers may exhibit a contrast in loanwords between [t͡si (d)zi si] and [t͡ɕi (d)ʑi ɕi].

Before /e/, [j] was lost in the current standard language, but some dialects (such as Kyushu) and pre-modern versions of the language contain [je] as well as exhibiting [ɕe] in place of modern standard [se].^[75] In standard Japanese, non-foreign words do not contain [t͡ɕe (d)ʑe ɕe]. There are no morphological alternations related to this gap.^[76] As discussed above, these sequences can occur in loanwords. The sequence [t͡ɕe] has been consistently used in borrowed words at all time periods; セロ (sero) from cello seems to be a unique exception showing adaptation of [t͡ɕe] to [se].^[77][78] Another rare exception, showing adaptation to [t͡ɕi] (vowel raising), is チッキ (chikki) from English check (less common than チェック (chekku)).^[79] The sequences [(d)ʑe] and [ɕe] tend to be used in words borrowed more recently than around 1950, whereas words borrowed before that point may show depalatalization to [(d)ze] and [se] respectively.^[79] Examples of depalatalized forms include ゼリー (zerī) from English jelly and セパード ( sepādo) from English shepherd^[78] (the latter borrowing dates to the 19th century^[75]).

Pre-U consonants

Several Japanese consonants developed special phonetic values before /u/. These variants, while initially allophonic, may however have attained phonemic status through later neutralizations or the introduction of novel contrasts in loanwords.

There is no distinction between [hu] and [ɸu]. In core vocabulary, the voiceless bilabial fricative [ɸ] occurs only before the vowel /u/. Thus, [ɸu] can be analyzed as an allophonic realization of /hu/.^[37]

In core vocabulary, [tu] and [du] do not occur, because /t d/ were affricated to [t͡s d͡z] before /u/. The voiceless coronal affricate [t͡s] occurs only before the vowel /u/; thus [t͡su] can be analyzed as an allophonic realization of /tu/.^[37] Verb inflection shows alternations between [t] and [t͡s], as in [katanai] 'win' (negative) and [kat͡su] 'win' (present tense).^[37] In dialects that show neutralization of the [d͡z z] contrast, the merged phone [d͡z~z] can occur before any vowel (not only before /u/); thus, for these dialects, the affrication of original /du/ can be analyzed as resulting in a phonemically distinct sequence /zu/ (resulting in a gap for the sequence /du/).

However, the interpretation of [t͡su] as /tu/ (with [t͡s] merely an allophone of /t/) is complicated by loanwords. The voiceless coronal affricate [t͡s] can occur before vowels other than /u/ in loanwords. Unaffricated [tu] and [du] can be found in relatively recent loanwords, such as the following:

English: Today → /tudei/

French: toujours [tuʒuʀ] → /tuzjuuru/

French: douze [duz] → /duuzu/^[80]

Older loanwords from French display adaptation of [tu] as [t͡su] and of [du] as [do]:

French: Toulouse [tuluz] → /t͡suuruuzu/

French: Pompidou [pɔ̃pidu] → /poNpidoo/^[81]

In both old and recent loanwords, the epenthetic vowel used after word-final or pre-consonantal /t/ or /d/ is normally /o/ rather than /u/. However, adapted forms show some fluctuation between [to do] and [tu du] in this context, e.g. French estrade [estʀad] 'stage', in addition to being adapted as /esutoraddo/, has a variant adaptation /esuturaddu/.^[80]

Special moras

If analyzed as phonemes, the moraic consonants /N/ and /Q/ show a number of phonotactic restrictions (although some constraints can be violated in certain contexts, or may apply only within certain layers of Japanese vocabulary). In native Japanese vocabulary, geminate consonants do not occur after long vowels, diphthongs^[82] or the moraic nasal consonant (i.e. geminates are typically found after a short vowel). While some Japanese words do exhibit geminates in these positions, such as tootta and rondonkko, these can be characterized as exceptional cases.^[83] Geminate nasals may be analyzed phonemically as sequences of /N/ + an onset nasal consonant, whereas geminate obstruents may be analyzed phonemically as sequences of /Q/ + an onset obstruent consonant.

Syllable structure

Although some scholars question the usefulness or relevance of syllables to the phonology of Japanese, it is possible to analyze Japanese words as being divided into syllables, with each syllable normally composed of one to two moras (of which the first must contain a vowel). Japanese can be described as generally permitting the following syllable structures: (C)(j)V (with the value of a single mora) and (C)(j)VV, (C)(j)VN, (C)(j)VQ (with the value of two moras).^[101]

The shape (C)(j)VV includes syllables ending in long vowels (which can be analyzed either as containing the same vowel phoneme twice within one syllable, or alternatively as (C)(j)VR, ending in a chroneme mora) as well as syllables ending in diphthongs (typically analyzed as sequences of two non-identical vowel phonemes). There is dispute about which vowel sequences in Japanese can constitute diphthongs; Kubozono 2015 recognizes only /ai/, /oi/ and /ui/.^[102] Labrune 2012, who argues against the syllable as a unit of Japanese phonology, notes that the vowel sequences /ai oi ui ie ae oe ue io ao uo/ can all occur within a morpheme in indigenous or Sino-Japanese words, but concludes that none of them ought to be analyzed as diphthongs.^[103]

Evidence for the avoidance of syllables of three or more moras (known as 'superheavy' syllables) includes the adaptation of foreign long vowels or diphthongs to Japanese short vowels before /N/ in loanwords such as the following:

English: foundation → Japanese: ファンデーション, romanized: fandēshon

English: stainless → Japanese: ステンレス, romanized: sutenresu

English: corned beef → Japanese: コンビーフ, romanized: konbīfu^[104]

There are however loanwords that appear to contain superheavy syllables:

English: Spain → Japanese: スペイン, romanized: supein

English: green → Japanese: グリーン, romanized: gurīn^[105]

However, Kubozono 2015 argues based on accentuation data that these seemingly trimoraic syllables actually contain a syllable boundary after the first mora.^[106]

Rendaku

In Japanese, sandhi is prominently exhibited in rendaku – consonant mutation of the initial consonant of a morpheme from unvoiced to voiced in some contexts when it occurs in the middle of a word. This phonetic difference is reflected in the spelling via the addition of dakuten, as in ka, ga (か／が). In cases where this combines with the yotsugana mergers, notably ji, dzi (じ／ぢ) and zu, dzu (ず／づ) in standard Japanese, the resulting spelling is morphophonemic rather than purely phonemic.

Gemination

The other common sandhi in Japanese is conversion of つ or く (tsu, ku), and ち or き (chi, ki), and rarely ふ or ひ (fu, hi) as a trailing consonant to a geminate consonant when not word-final – orthographically, the sokuon っ, as this occurs most often with つ. So that

• 一 (いつ itsu) + 緒 (しょ sho) = 一緒 (いっしょ issho)
• 学 (がく gaku) + 校 (こう kō) = 学校 (がっこう gakkō)

Some long vowels derive from an earlier combination of a vowel and fu ふ (see onbin). The f often causes gemination when it is joined with another word:

• 法 (hafu はふ > hō ほう) + 被 (hi ひ) = 法被 (happi はっぴ), instead of hōhi ほうひ
• 合 (kafu かふ > gō ごう) + 戦 (sen せん) = 合戦 (kassen), instead of gōsen
• 入 (nifu > nyū) + 声 (shō) = 入声 (nisshō), instead of nyūshō
• 十 (jifu > jū) + 戒 (kai) = 十戒 (jikkai) instead of jūkai

Most words exhibiting this change are Sino-Japanese words deriving from Middle Chinese morphemes ending in /t̚/, /k̚/ or /p̚/, which were borrowed on their own into Japanese with a prop vowel after them (e.g., 日 MC */nit̚/ > Japanese /niti/ [ɲit͡ɕi]) but in compounds as assimilated to the following consonant (e.g. 日本 MC */nit̚.pu̯ən/ > Japanese /niQ.poN/ [ɲip̚.poɴ]).

Renjō

Sandhi also occurs much less often in renjō (連声), where, most commonly, a terminal /N/ or /Q/ on one morpheme results in /n/ (or /m/ when derived from historical m) or /t̚/ respectively being added to the start of a following morpheme beginning with a vowel or semivowel, as in ten + ō → tennō (天皇: てん + おう → てんのう). Examples:

First syllable ending with /N/

• 銀杏 (ginnan): ぎん (gin) + あん (an) → ぎんなん (ginnan)
• 観音 (kannon): くゎん (kwan) + おむ (om) → くゎんのむ (kwannom) → かんのん (kannon)
• 天皇 (tennō): てん (ten) + わう (wau) → てんなう (tennau) → てんのう (tennō)

First syllable ending with /N/ from original /m/

• 三位 (sanmi): さむ (sam) + ゐ (wi) → さむみ (sammi) → さんみ (sanmi)
• 陰陽 (onmyō): おむ (om) + やう (yau) → おむみゃう (ommyau) → おんみょう (onmyō)

First syllable ending with /Q/

• 雪隠 (setchin): せつ (setsu) + いん (in) → せっちん (setchin)
• 屈惑 (kuttaku): くつ (kutsu) + わく (waku) → くったく (kuttaku)

Verb conjugation

Polite adjective forms

The polite adjective forms (used before the polite copula gozaru (ござる, be) and verb zonjiru (存じる, think, know)) exhibit a one-step or two-step sound change. Firstly, these use the continuative form, -ku (-く), which exhibits onbin, dropping the k as -ku (-く) → -u (-う). Secondly, the vowel may combine with the preceding vowel, according to historical sound changes; if the resulting new sound is palatalized, meaning yu, yo (ゆ、よ), this combines with the preceding consonant, yielding a palatalized syllable.

This is most prominent in certain everyday terms that derive from an i-adjective ending in -ai changing to -ō (-ou), which is because these terms are abbreviations of polite phrases ending in gozaimasu, sometimes with a polite o- prefix. The terms are also used in their full form, with notable examples being:

• arigatō (有難う、ありがとう, Thank you), from arigatai (有難い、ありがたい, (I am) grateful).
• ohayō (お早う、おはよう, Good morning), from hayai (早い、はやい, (It is) early).
• omedetō (お目出度う、おめでとう, Congratulations), from medetai (目出度い、めでたい, (It is) auspicious).

Other transforms of this type are found in polite speech, such as oishiku (美味しく) → oishū (美味しゅう) and ōkiku (大きく) → ōkyū (大きゅう).

-hito

The morpheme hito (人 (ひと), person) (with rendaku -bito (〜びと)) has changed to uto (うと) or udo (うど), respectively, in a number of compounds. This in turn often combined with a historical vowel change, resulting in a pronunciation rather different from that of the components, as in nakōdo (仲人 (なこうど), matchmaker) (see below). These include:

• otōto (弟 (おとうと), younger brother), from otohito (弟人 (おとひと)) 'younger sibling' + 'person' → otouto (おとうと) → otōto.
• imōto (妹 (いもうと), younger sister), from imohito (妹人 (いもひと)) 'sister' + 'person' → imouto (いもうと) → imōto.
• shirōto (素人 (しろうと), novice), from shirohito (白人 (しろひと)) 'white' + 'person' → shirouto (しろうと) → shirōto.
• kurōto (玄人 (くろうと), veteran), from kurohito (黒人 (くろひと)) 'black' + 'person' → kurouto (くろうと) → kurōto.
• nakōdo (仲人 (なこうど), matchmaker), from nakabito (仲人 (なかびと)) → nakaudo (なかうど) → nakoudo (なこうど) → nakōdo.
• karyūdo (狩人 (かりゅうど), hunter), from karibito (狩人 (かりびと)) → kariudo (かりうど) → karyuudo (かりゅうど) → karyūdo.
• shūto (舅 (しゅうと), stepfather), from shihito (舅人 (しひと)) → shiuto (しうと) → shuuto (しゅうと) → shūto.
• kurōdo (蔵人 (くろうど), warehouse keeper (archivist, sake/soy sauce/miso maker)), from kurabito (蔵人 (くらびと)) 'storehouse' + 'person' → kurando (くらんど) → kuraudo (くらうど) → kuroudo (くろうど) → kurōdo. kurauzu (くらうず) is also found, as a variant of kuraudo (くらうど).

Fusion

In some cases morphemes have effectively fused and will not be recognizable as being composed of two separate morphemes.^{[citation needed]}