List_of_monarchs_of_Kush

List of monarchs of Kush

List of monarchs of Kush

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The monarchs of Kush were the rulers of the ancient Kingdom of Kush (8th century BCE – 4th century CE), a major civilization in ancient Nubia (roughly corresponding to modern-day Sudan). Kushite power was centralised and unified over the course of the centuries following the collapse of the New Kingdom of Egypt c.1069 BCE, leading to the eventual establishment of the Kingdom of Kush under Alara c.780 BCE.

Statues of several Kushite rulers from the 7th century BCE, exhibited in the Kerma Museum. From left to right: Tantamani, Taharqa, Senkamanisken, Tantamani (again), Aspelta, Anlamani, and Senkamanisken (again).

Kush reached the apex of its power c.739–656 BCE, when the Kushite kings also ruled as the Twenty-fifth Dynasty of Egypt. The kingdom remained a powerful state in its heartland after Kushite rule in Egypt was terminated and it survived for another millennium until its collapse c.350 CE. Egyptian culture heavily influenced Kush in terms of its royal and monumental iconography, though indigenous elements were also used and became increasingly prominent in the Meroitic period (c. 270 BCE–350 CE).[1]

There are no preserved Kushite lists of rulers and the regnal sequence is instead largely reconstructed based on evidence such as royal inscriptions and burials. Surviving sources are at several points scant, meaning that parts of the chronology and sequence are approximate and tentative.[2] The list of rulers might also be incomplete given that future discoveries of additional royal names and burials are possible.[3]

Introduction

Royal succession in Kush

Kushite royal pyramids in Meroë

The system of royal succession in the Kingdom of Kush is not well understood.[4] There are no known administrative documents or histories written by the Kushites themselves;[5] because very little of the royal genealogy can be reliably reconstructed, it is impossible to determine how the system functioned in theory and when or if it was ever broken.[6] Royal women were prominent in Kushite society, especially in the Meroitic period (c. 270 BCE–350 CE). As a consequence it has long been disputed whether the Kushite succession was mainly patrilineal (inherited through male lines) or matrilineal (inherited through female lines).[7] Further uncertainties would exist within either system; a patrilineal system can for instance be based around successions that are mainly father→son or mainly brother→brother.[8]

No ruling Kushite queens are known from before the Meroitic period,[9] suggesting that they may have been excluded from holding office during earlier periods. Despite this, there are numerous royal inscriptions from pre-Meroitic kings, for instance Aspelta, that place emphasis only on their female ancestors.[4] This is on its own generally not considered sufficient evidence for purely matrilineal succession[10] and patrilineal relations are often assumed between rulers even when unsupported by evidence. As examples, kings Alara and Kashta are often assumed to have been brothers and Piye is often assumed to have been Kashta's son, though neither relation is supported by any direct evidence.[11] Based on succession in Egypt during the New Kingdom (c. 1550–1069 BCE) and Third Intermediate (c.1069–664 BCE) periods, it is conceivable that female lines of descent were just as important as male ones for establishing legitimacy.[12] According to the archaeologist Robert Morkot, the heir who succeeded in claiming the throne might simply have been the strongest eligible royal descendant, instead of there being a clear succession system.[6] Some successions, such as Taharqa to Tantamani to Atlanersa (seventh century BCE), are difficult to explain under either pure patrilineality or pure matrilineality.[6]

It was in older scholarship on Kush assumed that all monarchs were direct descendants of earlier monarchs. In the case of the especially limited material available for large parts of the Meroitic period, this in cases led to the assumption that any figure mentioned as the father of a ruling monarch must also have been a king, even if they are never attested in that role or mentioned elsewhere.[13] Examples of such fathers of monarchs include Pisakar, Adeqetali, Teritnide, Arotnide, and Teritedakhetey, who sometimes still figure in modern reconstructed regnal lists[14] (though most reconstructions omit them[15][16][17]). In addition to not being directly attested as monarchs themselves, the names of these individuals do not fit with the known type of Kushite royal names,[13] and counting them as kings ignores the prospect of succession through indirect[13] and/or female lines,[18] both of which are believed to have transpired.[13][18] There were Kushite rulers in the Meroitic period who can be confidently established to have had non-ruling fathers.[19]

List format and content

Locations of Napata and Meroë in Sudan

There is no universally used periodisation of Kushite history.[20] This list uses the chronological scheme proposed by Emberling (2023), which divides Kushite history into the following four periods: Early Napatan (coalescence of Kushite political authority in Napata), Middle Napatan (from Alara to the end of Kushite dominion over Egypt), Late Napatan (after the loss of Egypt while royal burials continued at Napata), and Meroitic (royal burials at Meroë) periods.[21]

Precise regnal dates are not known for any Kushite monarchs after the end of Kushite dominion over Egypt.[22] This list thus only includes approximate timeframes, cited to modern sources. Some older sources provide precise dates for each ruler. These dates usually derive from a speculative 1923 chronology by George Andrew Reisner, who based the dates on a handful of synchronisms with Egyptian history, used a wholly hypothetical average reign length of 15 years, and assigned longer reigns and shorter reigns based on the size and richness of burials.[22]

This list includes the tomb of each monarch (in the 'burial' column) and names them using abbreviations. The abbreviations are shorthands for the different Kushite burial pyramid complexes, with the numbers indicating a particular pyramid or temple. "Kur." stands for Kurru (i.e. El-Kurru) ,"Nu." stands for Nuri, "Bar." stands for Jebel Barkal, and "Beg." stands for Begrawiyah (Meroë). "Beg. N" and "Beg. S" refer to the northern and southern cemeteries of Meroë, respectively. El-Kurru, Nuri, and Jebel Barkal are all located by the ancient city of Napata; Meroë was a different city further south.

List of monarchs

Early Napatan period (1069–780 BCE)

The Early Napatan[20] period began with Kush becoming autonomous or independent in the wake of the collapse of the New Kingdom of Egypt,[23] c. 1069 BCE.[20] The material from Kush during this time is extremely scant. There may have been several local Kushite political units, not properly unified into a single kingdom until the beginning of the later Middle Napatan period.[24] During the Early Napatan period, political authority in the region slowly coalesced around Napata.[20] The original royal cemetery of Napata (El-Kurru) contains several (unnamed) burials that are earlier in age than the later Middle Napatan period,[25] perhaps the burials of local chieftains.[26] These have sometimes been interpreted as the burials of around five generations of kings earlier than Alara, the earliest Kushite king known by name.[25][27][28] Alara is however generally considered the founder of Kush by historians[25] since he was referenced in the writings of later monarchs as a dynastic founder,[29][30] in contexts suggesting that he also established the kingdom.[25]

Middle Napatan period (780–656 BCE)

  – Also pharaoh of Egypt (25th dynasty)

The Middle Napatan[31] period began with the rule of the earliest known named Kushite monarch, Alara,[31] and encompassed the later period of Kushite rule over Egypt (as Ancient Egypt's 25th dynasty).[20] This list includes the conventional speculative patrilineal relationships between some of the rulers; these are not accepted by all scholars and it is possible that as many as three intermarrying families were involved in the early stages of the kingdom.[32]

More information Portrait, Name ...

Late Napatan period (656–270 BCE)

The Late Napatan period[20] encompasses Kushite history after the loss of Egypt, for as long as Napata remained the site used for royal burials.[20]

More information Portrait, Name ...

Meroitic period (270 BCE–350 CE)

In third century BCE, the royal burial ground was moved from Napata to Meroë for the burial of Arakamani.[100] This marked the final step in a more gradual transfer of political authority and wealth to Meroë and is regarded as the beginning of the Meroitic period.[100][101] The change in capital should not be misinterpreted as indicating a break in historical or cultural continuity;[101] Napata continued to function as an important religious centre[101] and evidence suggests that Meroë had been important from very early on.[36] It is possible that Meroë served as the residence of the Kushite kings from as early as the fifth century BCE.[36]

From the 2nd century BCE onwards, Kush is noteworthy for a large number of queens regnant (queens ruling in their own right).[102][9] Queens regnant retained their earlier style (often kandake) when becoming rulers, though they also adopted the kingly title of qore to indicate their new authority.[102] Due to the high number of ruling queens in the Meroitic period, absent in earlier times, the gender of each monarch is here indicated by a gender symbol (♀ or ♂). In cases where the gender is unknown, no symbol is included.

The royal succession, sequence, and chronology of Kushite rulers is especially uncertain in the Meroitic period.[102][103] By necessity this list shows only one interpretation, though noteworthy alternate ideas are featured in footnotes. Given that the throne appears to have been able to pass through male, female,[18] and indirect lines,[13] this list simply records the parents (if known) of each monarch in the 'filiation' column, without speculation on their overall relations. The use of the ♔ symbol in this column indicates that the parent of a monarch was also a monarch.

More information Portrait, Name (gender) ...

Beg. N 25 is the last known royal burial in Meroë and is assumed to mark the end of the dynasty ruling from that city.[180] Circumstantial and indirect evidence also dates the end of Meroitic political authority to the middle decades of the fourth century CE.[166][179]

Successor states of Kush

Map of the later Christian kingdoms in Nubia

László Török hypothesised that a unified (Nubian?) 'Post-Meroitic successor state' ruled a territory roughly corresponding to the Kushite kingdom for several decades after the end of the Meroitic period. Such a realm may be indicated by later burials of elites at Ferkeh, Gemai, Qustul and El-Hobagi.[180] Török suggested that these elites were non-royal deputies of a monarch residing in the south.[180] The southern cemetery of Ballana, where seven generations of post-Kushite but pre-Christian rulers are buried, has sometimes been suggested to belong to a successor state of Kush,[181] though the burials share few ideological similarities with those of the Kushite rulers beyond the presence of silver crowns in a similar style.[182] The existence of a unified post-Meroitic state is not universally accepted. Josefine Kuckertz, for instance, instead dates the disintegration of the kingdom to already in the middle fourth century CE, at the same time as the fall of the Meroitic dynasty.[166]

Around 420 CE, the aforementioned elites or deputies began assuming royal insignia of their own, resulting in the disintegration of the supposed successor state (if one existed) into the later kingdoms of Nobatia (north), Makuria (center), and Alodia (south).[180] Out of these three, Nobatia is in particular sometimes considered a small post-imperial remnant of Kush, maintaining some aspects of Kushite culture but also exhibiting Hellenistic and Roman influences.[183] The early stage of Nobatia is conventionally associated with the Ballana cemetery.[184]

Unattributed royal burials

There are many Kushite pyramids in addition to those listed above, built for individuals such as consorts, princes, and high officials. Because of the size and the number of chambers, some pyramids without preserved names have been suggested to have belonged to monarchs.[185] Some such pyramids are included in the list above, with tentative and hypothetical attributions put forth by researchers. Other pyramids sometimes identified as belonging to rulers are listed below. There are no unattributed royal burials from El-Kurru or Nuri.[lower-alpha 63]

Whether these pyramids belong to monarchs is often disputed.[175] Pyramids thought to belong to rulers have sometimes been reinterpreted: Beg. S 10 was once attributed to King "Bartare-(Kalkai)"[187] but is now recognised as the tomb of a non-ruling queen consort.[188] These additional tombs should not be interpreted as on their own indicating additional Kushite rulers. In addition to possible misinterpretation, some tombs could match rulers whose burials are 'unidentified' in the list above and some of the tentative and hypothetical attributions listed above could be wrong.

More information Site, Burial ...

See also

Viceroy of Kush

Notes

  1. There are no inscriptions that identify Alara's tomb.[31] Burial in Kur. 9 is assumed because of its topographical position. Kur. 9 is also the earliest Kushite tomb with a funerary offering table and a tomb stela, aligning with Alara's reign marking the beginning of further cultural "Egyptianization" of the Kushite dynasty.[33]
  2. The assumption that Kashta is buried in Kur. 8 derives from the tomb being roughly contemporary with his reign and it corresponding further to Egyptian tradition than earlier royal tombs.[37]
  3. Tentative chronological position determined based on the topographical position of tombs.[67]
  4. Piankhariten is omitted in several recent lists of Kushite rulers.[28][63]
  5. Nu. 25 dates to around the time of Amaninatakilebte.[71] Piankhariten is placed after Amaninatakilebte by Rose (1985).[72]
  6. The assumption that Talakhamani (whose family is not recorded) was Malewiebamani's brother derives from Amanineteyerike recording himself as the son of Malewiebamani but the successor of Talakhamani.[79]
  7. Baskakeren is in older sources sometimes suggested to have been a son of Malewiebamani. Fontes Historiae Nubiorum considers this suggestion to be "without any foundation".[84]
  8. Harsiotef's father is in older sources sometimes suggested to have been Amanineteyerike, though no evidence exists.[86]
  9. Kur. 1 is conventionally dated between Harsiotef and Akhraten, though this is hypothetical.[88]
  10. Akhraten is in older sources sometimes suggested to have been a son of Harsiotef. Fontes Historiae Nubiorum considers this suggestion to "remain unsubstantiated by any evidence" but also states that his throne name indicates descent from Harsiotef.[92]
  11. Amanibakhi is conventionally placed between Akhraten and Nastasen, though this is completely hypothetical.[93]
  12. The titles of Nastasen's mother suggest that Nastasen was the son of a previous king, though his father's identity is not certain. His own stela suggests dynastic ties to Harsiotef and he has sometimes been assumed to be this ruler's son, though the chronological distance could be too great.[94]
  13. Aktisanes copied the Horus name of Philip Arrhidaeus in Egypt. Along with being mentioned by Hecataeus of Abdera, this suggests a reign in the late 4th century BCE, at the latest around the time of Ptolemy I Soter.[2]
  14. Aktisanes was likely buried at Jebel Barkal since the burials at Nuri ceased after Nastasen. He was probably buried in one of the unidentified pyramids in the southern part of the cemetery, of which Bar. 14 is a hypothetical suggestion.[2]
  15. Aryamani is known from the stela Kawa XIV. Egyptologist M. F. Laming Macadam also assigned Kawa XV to Aryamani based on "stylistic and archaeological considerations". Kawa XV speaks of a king who ruled at least 24 years. Based on such a long reign, he has speculatively been attributed Bar. 11, the largest pyramid of Jebel Barkal in the time after Nastasen.[97]
  16. Amanislo has been speculated to have been the son of Queen Sar(...)tiñ, buried in Beg. S 4, who in turn has been speculated to have been wife to Arakamani.[106]
  17. This king's throne name was Šsp-ˋnḫ-n-ʾImn Stp.n-Rˋ (Shesepankhenamen Setepenre); his personal name is not preserved.[108]
  18. Virtually all scholars attribute Beg. N 53 to this king, though this has not been securely established.[110]
  19. The pyramid Beg. N 8 is the burial site of "(...)mr(...)t" and Beg. N 9 is the burial site of "Tabirqo". Kuckertz (2021) identifies (...)mr(...)t as Adikhalamani and Tabirqo as a distinct succeeding king.[114] Török (2015) instead identifies Tabirqo as a funerary name[114] of Adikhalamani and (...)mr(...)t as a distinct succeeding king.[108]
  20. Attested as the wife of (...)mr(...)t, identified as Adikhalamani by Kuckertz (2021).[9]
  21. Beg. N 11 was in older sources sometimes attributed to Sanakadakhete. Sanakadakhete's revised chronological position means that Beg. N 11 is instead "attributed with good reasons" to Nahirqo.[9]
  22. Tanyidamani was the son of the queen regnant buried in Beg. N 11.[117]
  23. Beg. N 12 is assumed to be Tanyidamani's burial since it is from the generation immediately after Beg. N 11.[119]
  24. The queen buried in Bar. 8 has been suggested to have been the wife of the earlier ruler Arnekhamani.[120]
  25. Per Yellin (2015) and Kuckertz (2021), the Horus name [Horus] k3-nht, known from a tomb at Meroë and sometimes considered a distinct king in earlier research, is to be identified with Teriteqas.[117]
  26. The tomb of [Horus] k3-nht.[125] Attributed another tomb if this ruler's identification with Teriteqas is not accepted, such as Bar. 2 (Török 2015).[126]
  27. Bar. 4 does not preserve the name of the ruler buried but is the conventionally attributed pyramid of Amanirenas. This pyramid depicts a queen regnant with the Double Crown of Egypt and dates to the time of the Julio-Claudian dynasty in Rome.[129]
  28. Shanakdakhete's inscriptions were previously interpreted as the first instance of the Meroitic script, which would place her in the second century BCE. This date also led to identifications with the pyramid Beg. N 11 (now attributed to Nahirqo).[9] Newer palaeographic studies place Shanadakhete at "around the turn of the centuries BCE – CE, or in the first half of the first century CE".[9] Shanadakhete ruled before or after Amanishakheto; Kuckertz (2021) places her as Amanishakheto's successor.[134]
  29. Beg. N 21 is a large tomb, speculatively attributed to Shanadakhete by Yellin (2014) and Kuckertz (2021).[130] This tomb has in the past been suggested as belonging to other rulers, such as Teriteqas or Amanirenas.[124]
  30. Nawidemak and Amanikhabale are variously dated to before Teriteqas, after Amanishakheto, or somewhere between the two. Objects from the late reign of Roman emperor Augustus or even later, found in Nawidemak's tomb, support them reigning after Amanishakheto.[130]
  31. Amanikhabale's name is known from an fragment of a table found in pyramid Beg. N 3, which can be fitted together with fragments in Beg. N 2 and Beg. N 4, and designates his mother as Nawidemak. Beg. N 2 is generally assumed to be Amanikhabale's burial.[139] Amanikhabale being Nawidemak's son is also supported by the close palaeographic relation between the inscriptions in Bar. 6 and Beg. N 2.[139]
  32. "Aqrakamani", a ruler mentioned in graffiti at the Temple of Dakka and traditionally dated to the late 1st century BCE, has been shown to have been the same person as Natakamani.[117]
  33. Natakamani and Amanitore were sometimes previously suggested to have been husband and wife. A graffito found at the Temple of Dakka strongly suggests that Amanitore was Natakamani's mother.[142]
  34. Shorkaror's royal status has on occasion been doubted, though he is depicted with the attire and regalia of a king in the Gebel Qeili rock carving.[142]
  35. As the heir of Natakamani and Amanitore, Shorkaror was previously interpreted as their son (with them believed to be husband and wife).[145] The identification of Amanitore as Natakamani's mother leaves the familial relationships uncertain.[142]
  36. Shorkaror was preceded as intended heir by Arikankharor and Arkhatani, both of whom likely predeceased Natakamani and Amanitore.[146]
  37. A Meroitic inscription places Amanikhariqerem as reigning around 80/90 CE.[142]
  38. Assignment of a burial to Amanikhareqerem is purely hypothetical.[150] Kuckertz (2021) assigns him Beg. N 16, a pyramid that was later modified into a smaller structure under Amanitaraqide and Aryesbokhe.[142]
  39. Finds in Amanikhtashan's tomb establish that she reigned at some point in the 1st or 2nd century CE. The tomb's artwork is stylistically close to artwork in Beg. N 16, which suggests that she reigned chronologically close to the owner of that tomb.[154]
  40. Tomb Beg. N 19 preserves the name Trekeni(.)l-qo, restored as Trekeniwl. His offering table was found in close proximity to the pyramid. The restoration of the name in the tomb was doubted by Chapman-Dunham in 1952, though was considered likely in the Fontes Historiae Nubiorum (1998)[150] and has been accepted since.[157]
  41. Beg. N 32 is the tomb of a queen regnant[16][158][159] who ruled at some point between the mid-2nd century CE and the mid-3rd century CE.[16] The tomb was speculatively attributed to Amanikhalika, the mother of Aritenyesbokhe, in the 1950s[159] and has been supported as such by a large number of scholars.[14][160][161][162] If correct, Amanikhalika would have reigned at around the same time as Tarekeniwal and Aritenyesbokhe. Some scholars have doubted the identification, viewing Beg. N 32 as the tomb of an unknown queen who could have reigned at some other time.[16][159]
  42. Aritenyesbokhe's offering table states that he is the son of Tarekeniwal and Amanikhalika. Tarekeniwal is presumably identical with the king of the same name buried in pyramid Beg. N 19.[163]
  43. Beg. N 34 does not preserve a name but its identification with Aritenyesbokhe has never been disputed. The reliefs in this pyramid are similar in type and style to those of Beg N. 19, which belongs to Aritenyesbokhe's presumed father.[163][142]
  44. Established as male by the royal benediction formula of his offering table.[165]
  45. The Fontes Historiae Nubiorum and Edwards (2004) speculatively assign Amanitaraqide the burial site Beg. N 16 (where his offering table was found).[13][14] Török (2015) and Kuckertz (2021) assign him to Beg. N 36.[126][16] The Fontes Historiae Nubiorum places him in the late 1st century CE based on objects in Beg. N 16.[13] Edwards (2004) and Török (2015) likewise date Amanitaraqide to the late 1st century CE.[14][126] Rilly & Voogt (2012) date him to the second half of the 2nd century CE[27] and Kuckertz (2021) dates him to the end of the 2nd century CE.[16]
  46. Amanikhedolo's offering table was found in a secondary context (built into the roof) in the pyramid Beg. W 109. The identification of Beg. N 43 as the original burial site is purely hypothetical.[158] Török (2015) instead suggested Beg. N 32,[155] though this is considered the burial site of a female ruler.[16] Kuckertz (2021) proposed on account of the table having been found in the non-royal western cemetery that Amanikhedolo was not a monarch at all but an official or prince who adopted a royal formula on his offering table.[166]
  47. Now destroyed reliefs and a royal benediction formula in Beg. N 29 establish that Takideamani was male.[158]
  48. Mashadakhel's contains the element Mash, the name of a deity whose cult spread in Kush in the 2nd and 3rd centuries CE.[167]
  49. Mashadakhel's offering table was found in a secondary context (in the descent of the structure) in the pyramid Beg. W 113.[158] Beg. N 32 has (without evidence) been attributed to Mashdakhel, which would make this a female ruler since a queen regnant is depicted in that tomb.[158] Most authors assign Beg. N 32 either to an unknown queen[16][159] or to Amanikhalika.[14][160][161] Török (2015) left Mashadakhel's burial unidentified.[155] Kuckertz (2021) proposed on account of the table having been found in the non-royal western cemetery that Mashadakhel was not a monarch at all but an official or prince/princess who adopted a royal formula on their offering table.[166]
  50. Older sources sometimes wrongly assign Temelerdeamani to the early 2nd century CE due to a confusion over sources concerning Teqorideamani, and may in this case attribute the pyramid Beg. N 34 to him. These conclusions are no longer supported since Tamelerdeamani necessarily reigned after Teqorideamani, who is known to have been in office in the 250s.[171]
  51. Believed to have been a male ruler since the name is a later version of the name of the earlier king Talakhamani and because a female regent for Maloqorebar (if this is the correct interpretation) might be expected to use the style kandake.[172]
  52. This inscription reads tdḫe Mloqorebr qoresel Lḫidmni. The text was originally interpreted as "king Maloqorebar, child of Lakhideamani",[173] denoting Maloqorebar as a king and Lakhideamani as a queen regnant.[174] The second inscription at Meroë identifies "qore Talakhideamani" and has allowed the reading of the earlier inscription to be corrected to "the child Maloqorebar and the ruler Talakhideamani".[174]
  53. Pyramid Beg. N 16 yielded the offering tables of both Amanitaraqide and Aryesbokhe. This pyramid was restored (perhaps rebuilt) at a later date, possibly around the same time as Beg. N 36 was built just southeast of it.[175] Different palaeographical] analyses of the inscriptions have contradictingly suggested that either Amanitaraqide or Aryesbokhe is older in age. Aryesbokhe being a later king than Amanitaraqide is supported by the style of his table, which is more consistent with a later stage of offering tables.[13] Although Aryesbokhe is sometimes placed in the late 1st or early 2nd century CE, close to Amanitaraqide,[126][27] recent palaeographical analyses support a later date for Aryesbokhe, perhaps in the second half of the 3rd century CE or the first half of the 4th century CE.[166]
  54. Beg. N 16 was rebuilt with a chapel inside the pyramid and is presumed to have been Aryesbokhe's burial place.[166] If Aryesbokhe's offering table in Beg. N 16 is interpreted as not originally from this pyramid, his site of burial is sometimes alternatively assumed to be Beg. N 36, since that pyramid may date to around the same time as Beg. N 16 was rebuilt.[176] In such a case, Beg. N 16 is at times identified as the burial of Amanitaraqide since his offering table was also found within it.[14]
  55. There is no real basis for identification of this king's burial. Beg. N 24 has also been suggested.[166]
  56. Beg. N 38 is destroyed today but earlier sources indicate that it was the burial of a male ruler.[170]
  57. There is no data either for or against this identification. Beg. N 38 dates to around or after the end of the 3rd century CE, which is the basis for this ruler's chronological position.[170]
  58. Beg. N 37 dates to sometime after Beg. N 28.[170] The late type of lettering in the inscription recording (.)p(...)niñ was used as rationale for attributing Beg. N 37 as this ruler's burial, though no other evidence links the two.[178]
  59. Beg. N 26 is the burial of a female ruler, depicting a queen regnant in its reliefs.[178]
  60. The name Patrapeamani (Pt(.)rpeamni) is known only from Meroitic text on an offering table found in Beg. W 309 (secondarily placed there later). The name was first assigned to Beg. N 26 in 1978.[178] This attribution is tentatively accepted in the Fontes Historiae Nubiorum[178] and by Török (2015).[155] The chronological position of Patrapeamani derives from the pyramid itself being from the terminal period of the Meroë cemetery.[178] Some other authors reject the attribution and regard Beg. N 26 as the burial of an unknown queen.[14][16][159] Kuckertz (2021) proposes that Patrapeamani was the name of a non-royal official who adopted royal formulae on their offering table.[166]
  61. Beg. N 25 was identified as the burial of a queen regnant due to its reliefs being interpreted as depicting a wmoan.[179] This may be an "unsafe interpretation of relief traces"[159] though is cautiously maintained by most scholars.[16][155]
  62. The name Amanipilade (Mnipilde) is known only from Meroitic text on an offering table found at Beg. W 104 (likely secondarily placed there later). The name was first assigned in 1978 to the pyramid Beg. N 25, the late type of the text thought to match the very late date of the pyramid.[179] This attribution is accepted in the Fontes Historiae Nubiorum[179] and by Török (2015).[155] Some other authors reject the attribution and regard Beg. N 25 as the burial of an unknown monarch.[14][16][159] Kuckertz (2021) proposes that Amanipilade was the name of a non-royal official who adopted royal formulae on their offering table.[166]
  63. Other than Kur. 1[186] (already accounted for in the list), the only unidentified pyramids at El-Kurru are from before Alara[186] and thus considered to perhaps be from local chieftains rather than Kushite kings.[26] There are no known pyramids at Nuri that remain unidentified.[73]

References

Citations

  1. Lohwasser 2020, Introduction.
  2. Török 2015, p. 200.
  3. Morkot 1999, p. 190.
  4. Haycock 1967, p. 107.
  5. Morkot 1999, p. 201.
  6. Morkot 1999, p. 188.
  7. Morkot 1999, p. 209.
  8. Morkot 1999, p. 194.
  9. Morkot 1999, pp. 208–209.
  10. Morkot 1999, pp. 193–194.
  11. Török 2015, pp. 200–206.
  12. Hartwig 2014, p. xlii.
  13. Eide et al. 1998, pp. 953, 998.
  14. Emberling 2023, pp. 98, 110.
  15. Emberling 2023, pp. 107–109.
  16. Obenga 1994, p. 385.
  17. Rilly & Voogt 2012, pp. 187–188.
  18. Hartwig 2014, Chronology of Kushite Rulers.
  19. Morkot 1999, p. 218.
  20. Obenga 1994, p. 386.
  21. Morkot 1999, p. 208.
  22. Emberling 2023, pp. 126–127.
  23. Emberling 2023, pp. 128–129.
  24. Eide et al. 1994, pp. 230–231.
  25. Eide et al. 1994, pp. 291–292.
  26. Eide et al. 1994, pp. 292, 293, 296, 299, 300, 301, 302.
  27. Eide et al. 1994, pp. 293–294.
  28. Rose 1985, p. 145.
  29. Emberling 2023, pp. 133, 140.
  30. Emberling 2023, pp. 142–143.
  31. Eide et al. 1996, pp. 464–465.
  32. Eide et al. 1996, pp. 511–512.
  33. Kuckertz 2021, pp. 5, 11.
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Bibliography


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