In British politics, the "Norway-plus model" was a proposal for a post-Brexit settlement, which the British government did not pursue. Proposed in November 2018 as an alternative to the Chequers plan, it would have consisted of membership of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) and of membership of the European Economic Area (EEA) as an EFTA member state, combined with a separate customs union with the EU to create a trade relationship similar to that between the EU and its member states today, with the exception of the political representation in the EU's bodies.^[1][2] Michel Barnier, the EU's Chief Negotiator, has always said that a model that combined EEA/EFTA and a customs union was one that he would be happy to consider.

One of the main proponents of the plan is the former Conservative backbench MP Nick Boles.^[3] The description "Norway-plus" refers to Norway's relationship with the European Union (and that of the other smaller EFTA–EEA members, Iceland and Liechtenstein), with "plus" referring to the addition of a customs union outside of EFTA.

Membership of EFTA and the EEA has also been discussed in the context of Scottish independence; Christophe Hillion, Professor of European Law at the University of Oslo, said that while there is scepticism about UK accession in Norway, Scotland is viewed much more positively, and that the EFTA member states would likely welcome an independent Scotland as a member.^[4]

Norway, along with Liechtenstein and Iceland, are members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) and the European Economic Area (EEA) which comprises the member states of the European Union in addition to these three EFTA member states. Additionally Switzerland is a member state of EFTA but not part of the EEA, having rejected ratification of the EEA Agreement. EFTA was founded in 1960 and is one of the two historically dominant western European trade blocs, but is now much smaller and intimately associated and integrated with its historical competitor, the European Union. Of the founding members of EFTA only Norway and Switzerland remain. All the four EFTA member states are part of the European Single Market (also known as the Common Market) which guarantees the free movement of goods, capital, services, and labour, either through the EEA Agreement, or in Switzerland's case, through special bilateral treaties. All EFTA member states are also part of the Schengen Area which has abolished passport and all other types of border control at their mutual borders.

The EFTA member states are often regarded as de facto EU members^{[citation needed]}, but without political representation; as an example of their status as "equivalent" to EU citizens, Norwegian citizens are entitled to use the EU passport queues throughout the EU^{[citation needed]} and generally enjoy all the same rights as EU citizens^{[citation needed]}. Specifically, EFTA citizens and EU citizens have freedom of movement rights to travel, work and settle in any member state of either.^[5]

Political scientist Simon Usherwood notes that

Norway – even more than the United Kingdom – is the country that has had the most comprehensive review of its relationship with the EU. Among assorted commissions, reports and parliamentary enquiries, the country has explored both the impact and politics of its participation in the EEA. The short version of all of this has been a recognition that Norway is a member state [of the EU] in all but name.^[6]

British Labour MP Peter Kyle stated that "Norway shadows the ECJ, it pays more fees into EU countries as part of its settlement per capita than Britain currently does for full membership, and Norway is very honest about the downside of taking rules whilst having little influence over their making."^[7]

Norway was one of the first Outer Seven countries to be invited to join the European Union's predecessors. As such Norway had debate on joining the European Communities since their establishment in the 1950s. However, due to Charles de Gaulle's opposition to invite the United Kingdom no new member state was invited until the 1970s. After Charles de Gaulle left office in 1969 an enlargement then became possible, and Norway, along with the United Kingdom, Ireland and Denmark, were the countries invited to join in the first enlargement of the European Communities in the early 1970s. However Norway declined the invitation to join following a consultative referendum in 1972 and declined again in 1994. Each time the Norwegian government, parliamentary majorities, business leaders, the civil service and other elites were strongly in favour of joining, but the proposals to join were narrowly defeated in consultative referendums. In Norway the main pro-EU parties have consistently been the Labour Party and even more so the Conservative Party, the country's two largest parties, while the main opponents traditionally have been the radical left and rural–agrarian interests, e.g. those in the fisheries industry, which also tend to oppose the dominance of their own country's capital.

Norway's current arrangement with the European Union came into existence following several years of negotiations, and is widely viewed as a substitute for full EU membership. Former Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg said the EEA Agreement gives Norway less influence and that he would strongly prefer full EU membership; Stoltenberg said "there is no real dialogue or cooperation", and mentioned as an example a meeting between the finance ministers of EFTA and the EU where only the finance ministers of Norway's close neighbour Sweden and of Ireland, which held the EU presidency, bothered showing up. Stoltenberg further said the only good thing about EFTA is that Norway is a superpower within the international organisation.^[8]

The EEA Agreement specifies that membership is open to member states of either the European Union or the European Free Trade Association (EFTA). As an EU member, the United Kingdom was part of the European Economic Area. After leaving the EU and thus the EEA, the only way of rejoining the European Economic Area would be by applying to join EFTA (or rejoining the EU). However, if the United Kingdom were to re-join EFTA, it would not automatically become party to the EEA Agreement, as each EFTA State decides on its own whether it applies to be party to the EEA Agreement or not. According to Article 128 of the EEA Agreement, “any European State becoming a member of the Community shall, and the Swiss Confederation or any European State becoming a member of EFTA may, apply to become a party to this Agreement. It shall address its application to the EEA Council.” EFTA does not envisage political integration. It does not issue legislation, nor does it establish a customs union. Schengen is not a part of the EEA Agreement. However, all of the four EFTA States participate in Schengen and Dublin through bilateral agreements. They all apply the provisions of the relevant Acquis.^[9]

Under the Norway-plus plan, the UK would have applied to join EFTA and the EFTA pillar of the EEA, without leaving the EEA. As an EFTA and EEA member, the United Kingdom would have been required to respect the free movement of persons within the EEA, as that is one of the core rights of the EEA.^[10]

Joining EFTA would require all the four EFTA member states' consent in accordance with the EFTA Convention.^[11] If the EFTA member states admitted the United Kingdom, the United Kingdom would subsequently be able to apply to become party to the EEA Agreement, and its application would need the approval of the current parties to the EEA Agreement, made up of EU and EFTA member states. No country has joined either without several years of preceding and complex negotiations.

Other options that have been discussed include "Canada-plus", modeled on the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement between the EU and Canada.

In December 2018, a substantial number of UK cabinet ministers (in the second May ministry) were reported to be in favour of seeking a Norway-plus option.^[18]

The Work and Pensions Secretary Amber Rudd stated that she saw the Norway-plus option as a plausible alternative to the Chequers plan.^[19]

• Norway–European Union relations
• Norway–United Kingdom relations