Style_of_the_Georgian_sovereign

Style of the Georgian sovereign

Style of the Georgian sovereign

Formal mode of address to a Georgian monarch


The style of the Georgian sovereign (Georgian: ქართველი მეფის წოდება, romanized: kartveli mepis ts'odeba) refers to the formal mode of address to a Georgian monarch (mepe)[1][2] that evolved and changed many times since the establishment of the ancient Kingdom of Iberia, its transformation to the unified Kingdom of Georgia and its successive monarchies after the disintegration of the realm.

A copper coin of King David IV of Georgia minted in Georgian Asomtavruli script reads
ႣႧႫႴႵႣႧႫႴႤႠႴႧႵႰႬႩႾႧႱႾႧ
meaning "Jesus Christ, [glorify] King David, of the Abkhazians,[h] Iberians,[c] Ranis,[n] Kakhetians,[n] Armenians"[j]. The king is depicted wearing sakkos with an imperial crown having pendilia and holding a cross alongside globus cruciger. A coin shows the king as a true Byzantine emperor.[k] Kept at the British Museum in the United Kingdom since 1857.[p]
A copper coin of Queen Tamar of Georgia minted in Georgian Asomtavruli script reads ႧႰႣႧ with ႵႩჃႩ representing Georgian numeral system, meaning "Tamar, David, AD 1200"; the text written in Arabic script[l] reads ملكة الملكات جلال الدنيا والدين تامار ابنة كيوري ظهير المسيح meaning "Queen of Queens, the glory of the world and of the faith, Tamar, daughter of Kywri, champion[i] of the Messiah". Kept at the Simon Janashia Museum of Georgia.

Pre-Christian Georgian monarchs of the Pharnavazid dynasty were divinely assigned pharnah and its loss usually led to the monarch's imminent death or overthrow in Georgian kingship.[3][a] Introductory part of the style for the monarchs from the Bagrationi dynasty always started with "By the Grace of God, We, of Jesse, David, Solomon, Bagrationi, Supreme by God, anointed and crowned by God",[4][5] underlining their divine right and claim for biblical descent.[6][7] The consolidation of the deified[8] Bagrationi dynasty and its unprecedented political unification of lands,[9] would inaugurate the Georgian Golden Age and creation of the only medieval pan-Caucasian empire[10] that would rule for a thousand years.[11] Georgian monarchs would have intense religious and political competition with the Byzantine emperors, saw themselves as the successors of the emperor Constantine the Great[12] and even as rulers of a new Byzantium based in the Caucasus,[13][14] whence the clergy would view the Georgian Orthodoxy as an "imperial church" that would fight the heretics.[15] Even though unprecedentedly "Byzantinized Georgia"[16] entertained its powerful neighbor's concepts and models of Constantinopolitan bureaucracy and aristocracy, it was never slavishly adopted or mimicked; rather, it was creatively and deliberately adapted to the local culture and environment. At the same time, the rulers of Christian Georgia would still be embracing the traditional influences of the Persian Shahnameh[17] and Arabic legends[18] that would remain strong and intact; some of their styles would even become Islamic[m] in type.[19][20][21] As the Crown would be gathering additional lands the style would continue to expand, but remain distinctly enumerated and include all the subjects of the Georgian monarch.[22] Even after the collapse of the unified kingdom, Georgian kings would continue to emblazon themselves with the former imperial style and they would stake the claim to be the absolute rulers of all-Georgia.[23] This imperial legacy of the Bagrations continues to bear fruit even today, with its self-image as the unrivalled pinnacle of the Georgian politics, culture and society.[24]

According to the chronicler of Queen Tamar, verbally insulting a monarch was punishable with tongue mutilation and decapitation, always carried out by non-Georgian executioners.[25][26] Even though the capital punishment was extremely rare in high medieval Georgia, the royal court would never pardon the insult towards a monarch.[27] King Vakhtang VI, however, maintained that there was no official punishment for lèse-majesté.[28]

Style

Sovereigns of Iberia

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Sovereigns of the united Georgia

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Sovereigns of Kartli

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Sovereigns of Kakheti

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Sovereigns of Imereti

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Sovereigns of Kartli—Kakheti

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See also

Notes

  1. ^
    A custom dictated that the new monarch should have had a biological connection to the existing dynasty, in part because kingly pharnah was the prerogative of certain families. King Pharnajom unwisely abandoned Georgian polytheism thus losing the kingship.[140][141]
  2. ^
    Kartli and Eguri were known in the classical antiquity as Iberia and Colchis respectively.[142]
  3. ^
    "Iberians" refers specifically to Kartvelians/Georgians.[143] The term Iberia/Iberian would undergo a transformation, its "all-Georgian" reach would be extended by the Bagrationi monarchs and their contemporaries.[144]
  4. ^
  5. ^
  6. ^
    This title entered the style in spite to the contemporary Muslim laqab, the Sword of Islam and Sword of Allah.[145] The title was pointedly militant and meant "Defender of Christianity" (Messiah i.e. Jesus Christ).[146] David IV was the first Georgian king to assume the title "Sword of the Messiah".[147]
  7. ^
    These titles entered the style from Persian shah and was motivated by the aggressive expansionist policies of the Georgian monarchs in and beyond the region.[148] The inclusion of Shirvanshah (lit. the shah/king of Shirvan) and Shahanshah (lit. the shah of shahs/King of kings) in style by the Georgian monarchs was an usurpation of Islamic and Sasanid political ideals. These titles were specifically directed against Persian dynasties.[149] George III was the first Georgian king to assume these titles.[150] They were afforded mostly last place in the style, following the "King of the Armenians" title.[151] They later on would get corrupted, and original meaning be forgotten.[152]
  8. ^
    The Kingdom of Abkhazia was afforded first place in the style as a memory of sequence of acquisition of authority by King Bagrat III, from being King of Abkhazia first and later on king of all-Georgia. The Georgian royal court was inspired by the Byzantine model of rule of law and the continued rendering of Abkhazia to the first place in the style of the Bagrationi kings was largely due to legal considerations. Also, as Abkhazia was under heavy Byzantine influence, the Georgian monarchs wanted to raise the status of the western region to such a high level to reflect the importance of this area to the Georgian realm. The court would have set up the majority of the royal residences mostly in the western regions of the kingdom, in Abkhazia and Imereti.[153][154]
  9. ^
    Queen Tamar and Queen Rusudan were not afforded title "Sword of the Messiah" but "Champion of the Messiah". This circumstance doubtlessly reflect the fact that Tamar and Rusudan, although they were the mepe, they were not an actual heads of the army and battlefield leaders, by virtue of their gender.[155] It is noteworthy that Tamar was never depicted on frescos with a sword.[156] Despite the fact that The Georgian Chronicles explicitly state that when Tamar was recrowned after his father's death, "all by one consent joined in raising to Tamar her father's sword, bestowed on her at the same time as her father's throne", still none of the depictions of the queen show her carrying the sword. The chronicle would explain this by stressing Tamar's hatred of violence.[157]
  10. ^
    The title "King of the Armenians" entered the style after King David IV annexed Kingdom of Tashir-Dzoraget in 1118,[158] or after he captured Ani in 1124.[159]
  11. ^
    Where the coins of his father, George II, and grandfather, Bagrat IV, had slavishly imitated Byzantine examples, David IV had taken over the imagery to glorify himself,[160] instead of Mother of God. Per Bagrationi symbolism Virgin Mary was a patron saint of all Georgia, her cult being established as the governing royal image of the whole kingdom. The coins issued by his forebears depicted a bust of the Mother of God on the obverse and inscriptions proclaiming the Byzantine titles of the kings on the reverse.[161]
  12. ^
    Tamar's choice of terminology in Arabic derives from Islamic coins and was similar to known examples of coins minted by Mamluks in the thirteenth century.[162] Tamar's royal imagery had to cope with the diverse nature of her empire[163] as it had to accommodate both Christian and Muslim subjects, as well as many separate territories.[164] Her great-grandfather, King David IV, right after his victory in the Battle of Didgori and military reconquest of Tbilisi, would initiate universal minting of coins in Arabic for trade and economic reasons.[165] According to Ibn al-Azraq al-Fariqi and Sibt ibn al-Jawzi, David IV would mint the coins with his name alongside names of Allah and Muhammad.[166]
  13. ^
    A shift toward an Islamic expression of power can be found in the adoption of new royal titles during the reign of King George III, when he, in 1170, added to his titles those of Shirvanshah and Shahanshah. This was the first evidence of these titles being adopted by a Georgian king and must have been taken over from the Shaddadids, whom George had defeated in 1161. Reign of George III can be seen to mark a decisive shift in the nature of Georgian power. Any expression of inferiority to Byzantine Empire had been ended by his grandfather, King David IV, who abandoned the use of any Byzantine titles, but took over Byzantine forms of imagery to promote himself as an independent power. Now George was establishing this more clearly by usurping titles of his rivals into his own as an expression of his dominance over them.[167]
  14. ^
    The title "King of Ranis and Kakhetians" officially entered the style after King David IV annexed First Kingdom of Kakheti in 1104.[168]
  15. ^
    Per royal charter sent to Nicolaes Witsen, a mayor of Amsterdam.
  16. ^
    According to David Marshall Lang, the British Museum acquired the coin from William Cole, 3rd Earl of Enniskillen.[169] The coin's museum number is 1857,1226.7. It's diameter is 35 millimetres and weighs 10.8 grammes.[170] It is suggested that coin had been minted at Ani after David's conquest of the city.[171]
  17. ^
    The "two thrones and/or kingdoms" refers to the de facto split and fracture of the unity of the monarchy during the Mongol invasions and establishment of the Kingdom of Western Georgia. The unified kingdom will ultimately collapse de jure in 1490. Some of the kings would continue including them in style even after an official fragmentation of the monarchy.[172]

References

  1. Rayfield, pp. 65—159
  2. Rapp (2016) location: 8763
  3. Rapp (2016) location: 6731
  4. Takaishvili, vol. III pp. 146—206
  5. Javakhishvili, p. 84
  6. Rapp (2014), p. 227
  7. Khakhanov, pp. 6—7
  8. Javakhishvili, p. 87
  9. Rapp (2016) location: 492
  10. Rapp (2014), p. 226
  11. Rapp (2016) location: 453
  12. Rapp (1997), p. 666
  13. Rapp (2014), pp. 231-228
  14. Tavadze, p. 221
  15. Rapp (1997), p. 646
  16. Rapp (2016) location: 482
  17. Rapp (1997), p. 595
  18. Rapp (1997), p. 581
  19. Eastmond, p. 91
  20. Rapp (2014), pp. 232-233
  21. Paghava, pp. 221-222
  22. Rapp (1997), p. 571
  23. Rapp (1997), p. 583
  24. Rapp (2016) location: 459
  25. Javakhishvili, p. 191
  26. Rayfield, p. 103
  27. Javakhishvili, p. 326
  28. Khakhanov, p. 6
  29. Rapp (2016) location: 6323
  30. The Georgian Chronicles: 30—14
  31. The Georgian Chronicles: 32—8
  32. The Georgian Chronicles: 33—17
  33. Rayfield, p. 32
  34. Gamkrelidze, p. 24
  35. Rayfield, p. 34
  36. Gamkrelidze, p. 13
  37. The Georgian Chronicles: 62—8
  38. Rapp (2016) location: 7131—7140
  39. The Georgian Chronicles: 139—5
  40. Rapp (2016) location: 9500
  41. The Georgian Chronicles: 216—13
  42. Bakhtadze, p. 4
  43. Bakhtadze, p. 10
  44. Bakhtadze, p. 11
  45. Bakhtadze, p. 20
  46. Tavadze, p. 100
  47. Rayfield, p. 69
  48. Bakhtadze, p. 17
  49. Rapp (2016) location: 4175
  50. Tavadze, p. 103
  51. Khakhanov, p. 11
  52. Dundua & Tavadze, p. 458
  53. Dolidze, p. 7
  54. TITUS: manuscript: Q969 item 1: line of ed.: 3-4
  55. Rayfield, p. 85
  56. Dundua & Tavadze, p. 459
  57. Tavadze, p. 162
  58. Rapp (1997), pp. 570-571
  59. Rapp (2016) location: 4185
  60. Rayfield, pp. 89—93
  61. Dolidze, p. 18
  62. Paghava (2021), p. 259
  63. Eastmond, p. 47
  64. TITUS: manuscript: Q969 item 3: line of ed.: 7
  65. Rapp (1997), p. 575
  66. Paghava (2021), pp. 396-403
  67. TITUS: manuscript: Q969 item 4: line of ed.: 9
  68. CoGN: Issue of David V
  69. Rapp (2016) location: 4194
  70. Dundua & Tavadze, p. 460
  71. Eastmond, pp. 104-106
  72. Rapp (2016) location: 4182
  73. Rayfield, p. 109
  74. Eastmond, pp. 127-135
  75. CoGN: Coins of Queen Tamar
  76. TITUS: manuscript: Q969 item 6: line of ed.: 16
  77. Dundua & Tavadze, p. 461
  78. Silogava, p. 16
  79. CoGN: Coins of Giorgi IV
  80. Dundua & Tavadze, p. 392
  81. Rapp (1997), p. 577
  82. Silogava, pp. 72—73
  83. Rapp (1997), p. 581
  84. CoGN: Coins of David Narin
  85. CoGN: Coins of David Ulugh
  86. CoGN: Coins of David VIII
  87. CoGN: Coins of Vakhtang III
  88. Silogava, p. 26
  89. Dolidze, p. 100
  90. Takaishvili, vol. II p. 13
  91. Silogava, p. 100
  92. Rapp (1997), p. 582
  93. CoGN: Coins of Giorgi VII
  94. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 434
  95. Takaishvili, vol. II p. 35
  96. Dolidze, p. 118
  97. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 436
  98. CoGN: Coins of Giorgi VIII
  99. Silogava, p. 19
  100. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 140
  101. Dolidze, p. 205
  102. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 534
  103. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 2
  104. Dolidze, p. 224
  105. Takaishvili, vol. II p. 39
  106. Kartvelishvili & Jojua, et al. p. 99
  107. Kartvelishvili & Jojua, et al. p. 145
  108. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 141
  109. Kartvelishvili & Jojua, et al. p. 181
  110. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 144
  111. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 151
  112. Dolidze, p. 193
  113. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 185
  114. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 1
  115. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 4
  116. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 193
  117. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 252
  118. Dolidze, p. 231
  119. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 160
  120. Takaishvili, vol. II p. 517
  121. Kakabadze, p. 3
  122. Kakabadze, pp. 7—8
  123. Kakabadze, p. 17
  124. Kakabadze, p. 34
  125. Kakabadze, p. 36
  126. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 537
  127. Kakabadze, p. 37
  128. Kartvelishvili & Jojua, et al. p. 124
  129. Kakabadze, p. 63
  130. Kakabadze, p. 119
  131. Zagareli, p. 96
  132. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 253
  133. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 257
  134. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 235
  135. Khakhanov, p. 9
  136. Takaishvili, vol. III p. 168
  137. Zagareli, p. 100
  138. Takaishvili, vol. III pp. 183—308
  139. Zagareli, pp. 169-188
  140. Rapp (2016) location: 6776
  141. Rayfield, p. 25
  142. Rapp (2016) location: 702
  143. Rapp (2016) location: 686
  144. Rapp (2016) location: 665
  145. Eastmond, p. 72
  146. Paghava, pp. 243-247
  147. Paghava, p. 245
  148. Javakhishvili, p. 86
  149. Paghava (2021), pp. 417-418
  150. Paghava (2021), p. 410
  151. Paghava (2021), p. 408
  152. Rapp (1997), pp. 578-582
  153. Rapp (1997), p. 637
  154. Paghava (2021), p. 382
  155. Rapp (1997), p. 608
  156. Rapp (1997), pp. 577-578
  157. Eastmond, p. 182
  158. Eastmond, p. 70
  159. Paghava (2021), pp. 367-380
  160. Eastmond, pp. 56-58
  161. Eastmond, p. 54
  162. Eastmond, p. 135
  163. Eastmond, p. 98
  164. Eastmond, p. 6
  165. Paghava (2021), p. 233
  166. Paghava & Chanishvili, p. 198
  167. Eastmond, p. 92
  168. Eastmond, p. 56
  169. Paghava (2021), pp. 236-237
  170. Paghava & Chanishvili, p. 201
  171. Paghava & Chanishvili, p. 213
  172. Rayfield, pp. 129-131

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