Convergence and Union (Catalan: Convergència i Unió, CiU; IPA: [kumbəɾˈʒɛnsi.əj uniˈo]) was a Catalan nationalist electoral alliance in Catalonia, Spain. It was a federation of two constituent parties, the larger Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (CDC) and its smaller counterpart, the Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC). It was dissolved on 18 June 2015.
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CiU was a Catalan nationalist coalition. During its lifespan, it was usually seen as a moderate nationalist party in Spain, although a significant part of its membership had shifted to open Catalan independentism during the party's last years, and by 2014 demonstrated its intention to hold a referendum on Catalan independence. There is some debate as to whether the coalition was conservative[17] or centrist. Liberal tendencies dominate the larger CDC, while the smaller UDC is a Christian democratic party.[18] As for its position in the nationalist debate, it was deliberately ambiguous so as to appeal to the broadest spectrum possible, from voters who seek full independence from Spain to those who are generally satisfied with the present self-government status. In general, the CDC tends to be more supportive of Catalan sovereignty, while the UDC is considered closer to traditional Catalan autonomism and more nuanced nationalism. The electoral manifesto for the elections in 2012 states that "we want to build a wide social majority so that Catalonia can have its own State in the European frame, because Catalonia has the will to become a normal country among world's countries and nations".
In the 2012 regional elections, CiU won 30.71% of the vote. It lost 12 seats in the Catalan Parliament, bringing them to a total of 50 deputies. While they have more than twice as many deputies as any other party, they were left 18 seats short of a majority in the 135-member body. After the election, they entered into coalition with the Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC), which has a completely different political orientation but also supports Catalan independence. El Periódico de Catalunya reported in August 2013 that the coalition may break apart due to fractions within the union about Catalan independence, with UDC opposing secessionism.[19]
On 18 June 2015 CDC spokespersons declared the CiU federation "finished", albeit amenable to an "amicable" separation. This occurred after an ultimatum had been issued by President Mas to UDC, due to their diverging positions on the Catalan independence process.[20]
CiU used to defend the notion of Catalonia as a nation within Spain, striving for the highest possible level of autonomy for Catalonia. However, it has recently become a pro-secession party.
CiU is generally considered a Catalan nationalist party; this is also the term it uses to describe itself. Both the Spanish and Catalan media perceive it as a moderate nationalist force. However, its liberal fraction (CDC) has a relatively strong current which advocates Catalan independence from Spain and which has grown stronger after 2006.[21][22][23] Many high ranking exponents of the Democratic Convergence define CiU as an independentist political force.[24][25][26] The party's president Artur Mas has stated he would vote in favour of Catalan independence in a theoretical referendum of independence, but he added this would not be his official policy if elected as President of Catalonia.[27]
On the other hand, the Christian democratic part of the coalition, the Democratic Union of Catalonia, is less favourable to the idea of an independent Catalonia. Nevertheless, several prominent members of the Democratic Union have also supported independence, especially since the late 2000s.[28] However, the supporters of independence within the Democratic Union are a minority with much less influence than their counterparts in the Democratic Convergence.[29]
On Sunday 28 November 2010 (28-N), CiU regained control of the regional parliament after seven years in opposition, winning about 38% of the popular vote, earning 62 seats out of the total 135.[30] Its platform was broadly centrist, and somewhat ambiguous about independence from Spain.
In the 2010 elections, the turnout was just above 60%, and the Socialists' Party of Catalonia were considered the biggest losers, holding only 28 seats of their former 37. All other parties lost support, as well, except the liberal-conservative People's Party of Catalonia, which increased its support by 1.5%, and the liberal Citizens' Party which maintained their position.
On Sunday 25 November 2012, CiU maintained its control of the regional parliament by winning approximately 30 per cent of the popular vote and earning 50 seats of the total 135. This represents a drop in voter support since the 2010 election, with voter turn-out for the 2012 election at approximately 70%, or the highest since 1998.[31] It is also the lowest percentage of the vote the coalition has scored since its formation in 1988.
Parliament of Catalonia
More information Election, Leading candidate ...
Parliament of Catalonia |
Election |
Leading candidate |
Votes |
% |
Seats |
+/– |
Government |
1980 |
Jordi Pujol |
752,943 |
27.83 (#1) |
|
— |
Minority |
1984 |
1,346,729 |
46.80 (#1) |
|
29 |
Coalition (1984–1987) |
Majority (1987–1988) |
1988 |
1,232,514 |
45.72 (#1) |
|
3 |
Majority |
1992 |
1,221,233 |
46.19 (#1) |
|
1 |
Majority |
1995 |
1,320,071 |
40.95 (#1) |
|
10 |
Minority |
1999 |
1,178,420 |
37.70 (#1) |
|
4 |
Minority |
2003 |
Artur Mas |
1,024,425 |
30.94 (#1) |
|
10 |
Opposition |
2006 |
935,756 |
31.52 (#1) |
|
2 |
Opposition |
2010 |
1,202,830 |
38.43 (#1) |
|
14 |
Minority |
2012 |
1,116,259 |
30.71 (#1) |
|
12 |
Minority |
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Cortes Generales
Nationwide
More information Election, Congress ...
Cortes Generales |
Election |
Congress |
Senate |
Leading candidate |
Status in legislature |
Votes |
% |
# |
Seats |
+/– |
Seats |
+/– |
1979 |
483,353 |
2.69% |
5th |
|
5[lower-alpha 1] |
|
1[lower-alpha 1] |
Jordi Pujol |
Opposition |
1982 |
772,726 |
3.67% |
5th |
|
4 |
|
5 |
Miquel Roca |
Opposition |
1986 |
1,014,258 |
5.02% |
4th |
|
6 |
|
3 |
Miquel Roca |
Opposition |
1989 |
1,032,243 |
5.04% |
5th |
|
0 |
|
2 |
Miquel Roca |
Opposition |
1993 |
1,165,783 |
4.94% |
4th |
|
1 |
|
0 |
Miquel Roca |
Confidence and supply |
1996 |
1,151,633 |
4.60% |
4th |
|
1 |
|
2 |
Joaquim Molins |
Confidence and supply |
2000 |
970,421 |
4.19% |
4th |
|
1 |
|
0 |
Xavier Trias |
Opposition |
2004 |
835,471 |
3.23% |
4th |
|
5 |
|
4 |
Josep Antoni Duran i Lleida |
Opposition |
2008 |
779,425 |
3.03% |
4th |
|
0 |
|
0 |
Josep Antoni Duran i Lleida |
Opposition |
2011 |
1,015,691 |
4.17% |
5th |
|
6 |
|
5 |
Josep Antoni Duran i Lleida |
Opposition |
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Regional breakdown
More information Election, Catalonia ...
Election |
Catalonia |
Congress |
Senate |
Votes |
% |
# |
Seats |
+/– |
Seats |
+/– |
1979 |
483,353 |
16.38% |
4th |
|
5[lower-alpha 1] |
|
1[lower-alpha 1] |
1982 |
772,726 |
22.48% |
2nd |
|
4 |
|
5 |
1986 |
1,014,258 |
32.00% |
2nd |
|
6 |
|
3 |
1989 |
1,032,243 |
32.68% |
2nd |
|
0 |
|
2 |
1993 |
1,165,783 |
31.82% |
2nd |
|
1 |
|
0 |
1996 |
1,151,633 |
29.61% |
2nd |
|
1 |
|
2 |
2000 |
970,421 |
28.79% |
2nd |
|
1 |
|
0 |
2004 |
835,471 |
20.78% |
2nd |
|
5 |
|
4 |
2008 |
779,425 |
20.93% |
2nd |
|
0 |
|
0 |
2011 |
1,015,691 |
29.35% |
1st |
|
6 |
|
5 |
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European Parliament
More information Election, Total ...
European Parliament |
Election |
Total |
Catalonia |
Votes |
% |
# |
Seats |
+/– |
Votes |
% |
# |
1987 |
853,603 |
4.43% |
5th |
|
— |
843,322 |
27.82% |
2nd |
1989 |
666,602 |
4.20% |
5th |
|
1 |
655,339 |
27.53% |
2nd |
1994 |
865,913 |
4.66% |
4th |
|
1 |
806,610 |
31.50% |
1st |
1999 |
937,687 |
4.43% |
4th |
|
0 |
843,021 |
29.28% |
2nd |
2004 |
Within Galeusca |
|
2 |
369,103 |
17.44% |
3rd |
2009 |
Within CEU |
|
1 |
441,810 |
22.44% |
2nd |
2014 |
Within CEU |
|
0 |
549,096 |
21.84% |
2nd |
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Dowling, Andrew (2005), "Convergència i Unió, Catalonia and the new Catalanism", The Politics of Contemporary Spain, Rotledge, p. 106
Bukowski, Jeanie (2003), "Party Politics and Regional Strategies in Spain", Between Europeanization and Local Societies: The Space for Territorial Governance, Rowman & Littlefield, p. 173
Hepburn, Eve (2009), "Degrees of Independence: SNP Thinking in an International Context", The Modern SNP: From Protest to Power, Edinburgh University Press, p. 199
Smith, Angel (2009), Historical Dictionary of Spain, Scarecrow Press, pp. 199–202
Pallarés, Francesc; Keating, Michael (2006), "Multi-level electoral competition: sub-state elections and party systems in Spain", Devolution and electoral politics, Manchester University Press
Schrijver, Frans (2006), Regionalism after Regionalisation, Vossiuspers, Amsterdam University Press, p. 112
Valandro, Franz (2002), A Nation of Nations: Nationalities' Policies in Spain, Peter Lang, p. 83
Gibbons, John (1999), Spanish politics today, Manchester University Press, p. 51
McNeill, Donald (1999), Urban Change and the European Left: Tales from the New Barcelona, Routledge, pp. 92, 184
Paluzie, Elisenda (2010), "The costs and benefits of staying together: the Catalan case in Spain", The Political Economy of Inter-Regional Fiscal Flows: Measurement, Determinants and Effects on Country Stability, Edward Elgar Publishing, p. 366 Wiarda, Howard J.; Macleish Mot, Margaret (2001), Catholic Roots and Democratic Flowers: Political Systems in Spain and Portugal, Greenwood, p. 138
- Dowling, Andrew (2005). "Convergència i Unió, Catalonia and the new Catalanism". The Politics of Contemporary Spain. Rotledge. pp. 106–120.