Date and location

Regarding the year, the contemporary and near-contemporary sources place the assassination in many different years, within a wide range between 1200 and 1218. However, Gertrude was firmly alive in 1211, when she sent her daughter Elizabeth with a substantial dowry to the Landgraviate of Thuringia in that year. On the other hand, her widower Andrew II mourned her death in his two surviving royal charters issued in 1214. Most of the narrative sources put the date of the murder to the year 1213. Tamás Körmendi accepted this year, since the majority of these works are the earliest and seemingly most authentic chronicles, including the Annals of Göttweig (Annales Gotwicenses) and the Annals of Salzburg (Annales Salisburgenses). 1213 is the only year, which appears in works that cannot be compared or related philologically, which makes it beyond doubt that the murder took place at that time.^[13]

Only three sources mentions the proper date of the murder. A 15th-century section of a Bavarian source, the Founders of the Monastery of Diessen (De fundatoribus monasterii Diessenses) refers the date to 28 September but with the year 1200, and cannot be considered an authentic report.^[14] The Annals of the Dominicans of Vienna (Annales Praedicatorum Vindobonensium) from the late 13th century preserved the exact date of assassination, 28 September, but without adding the year.^[15] Historian László Veszprémy accepted the date as authentic, since the annals also used necrologies as source, which always focused on the specific month and day instead of the year.^[16] The Aschaffenburgi Psalterium, which was compiled for Gertrude of Aldenberg, the queen's granddaughter, lists the time of death of various members of the House of Andechs; accordingly Queen Gertrude died on 28 September (the year is not given).^[13] The three unrelated sources confirm that the assassination did indeed take place on 28 September 1213.^[17]

Based on the narrations of the Austrian Rhyming Chronicle (Chronicon rhytmicum Austriacum) and the aforementioned Annals of the Dominicans of Vienna, which write that Gertrude was killed in her "field tent", and the fact that the queen was buried in the Pilis Abbey thereafter, Gyula Pauler claimed the assassination took place in the nearby Pilis royal forest on the occasion of a royal hunting.^[12] The subsequent Hungarian historiography accepted the theory without any reservations.^[17][18] Tamás Körmendi emphasized the speculative nature of this data; he emphasized, other sources say that the queen was assassinated either in her palace, bedroom or the royal military camp. The Galician–Volhynian Chronicle writes that Gertrude was murdered in the Premonstratensian monastery of Lelesz (present-day Leles, Slovakia), while accompanying her husband into the royal campaign against Halych. A royal charter from 1214 refers to that "a certain part of her [Gertrude's] body" was buried in Lelesz. Pauler argued Andrew II on his way to Halych was caught at Lelesz by the messenger who brought the news of her death, who presented a piece of the queen's corpse as evidence, which was subsequently buried there. In contrast, Körmendi considered the non-transportable pieces of the mutilated queen were quickly buried in the Lelesz monastery, near which the assassination could have taken place, perhaps in the Patak royal forest along the river Bodrog.^[19]

Perpetrators

Peter, son of Töre, a former confidant of Gertrude, was the only sure participant in the assassination. One of the earliest records, the all three manuscripts of the Annals of Salzburg (its main corpus was written before 1216) contain that element which say the "queen of the Hungarians [...] was slaughtered by a certain count Peter". When Béla IV (the eldest son of Andrew and Gertrude) donated Peter's former lands to the newly founded the Cistercian Bélakút Abbey, the king states that these estates were confiscated from Peter, who "committed the crime of high treason by murdering our mother".^[20]

Subsequent Hungarian royal charters also refer to brothers Simon and Michael Kacsics as leading instigators of Gertrude's assassination. When Duke Béla, gaining power over the royal council, started reclaiming King Andrew's land grants throughout Hungary, he forced his father to confiscate the estates of those noblemen who had plotted against his mother one and a half decade earlier. Accordingly, Simon Kacsics lost his lands and villages in Transylvania and Nógrád County which were granted by Denis Tomaj and his clan. In his charter, Andrew II referred to Simon's active participation in the murder of his consort. Accordingly, Simon "by a new and unheard-of kind of wickedness and vileness, cruelly and horribly armed for hateful machinations, conspiring with his accomplices: bloodthirsty and treacherous men, to the shame and dishonor of our royal crown, was involved in the death of the well-remembered Queen Gertrude, our dearest consort".^[21] The land confiscation in 1228 might be a sign of the subsequent retaliation after an increased role in national politics by princes Béla and Coloman since the early 1220s, as historian Gyula Pauler argued.^[22] Körmendi argued, it is quite unrealistic that Andrew II appointed Simon to baronial dignities after the murder, even his few opportunities for punish the perpetrators, as Pauler had claimed. Accordingly, Simon was not considered among the assassins of Gertrude immediately after the murder. As Simon was mentioned as armed participant in the act, it is presumable that he became a victim of power intrigues and accused of conspiracy purely out of political reasons.^[21] Simon's brother, Michael Kacsics is also listed among the perpetrators by a royal charter of Ladislaus IV from 1277, when returned the lands to the sons of the aforementioned Denis Tomaj from Michael's descendants.^[21]

Two royal charters of Béla IV narrate that Bánk Bár-Kalán had participated in the assassination. In 1240, Béla IV donated Bánk's former lands, which he had lost for "his sin of high treason", since "he conspired to murder our dearest mother [Gertrude] — he lost all his possessions, not exactly unjustly, for he would have deserved more severe revenge by the judgment that common sense had brought upon him". When Béla granted another landholdings in 1262, the king noted too that those estates escheated to the crown from "our disloyal, Ban Bánk".^[23] The fact that Bánk held court positions even after the assassination questions the authenticity of the above accounts, or at least his leading role in the conspiracy. Historian Gyula Pauler considered Bánk managed to survive the subsequent retaliation, because Andrew II was not strong enough to punish one of the most powerful barons, while the main assassin Peter, son of Töre was executed.^[12] According to János Karácsonyi, Bánk supported the conspiracy, but he did not mastermind the crime. Historian Erik Fügedi argued Bánk was the most prestigious member of the conspiracy, which in the following decades magnified his role and thus became the executor and chief of the assassination in the later narratives.^[24] Tamás Körmendi emphasized the late 19th-century historiography incorrectly considered Andrew II as a weak ruler. Körmendi argued Bánk was accused of involvement in the assassination sometime only between 1222 and 1240. Along with other charged barons – Simon Kacsics, Michael Kacsics and Bánk's son-in-law Simon – it is presumable that Bánk became a victim of power intrigues and political purge, and accused of conspiracy purely out of political reasons, while Peter, son of Töre indeed assassinated the queen.^[25]

According to a royal charter of Duke Stephen from 1270, the lands of Bánk's son-in-law, a certain Simon in Bereg and Szabolcs counties were also confiscated prior to that.^[26] Early historiography identified Bánk's son-in-law with Simon Kacsics, however, as historian Gyula Pauler proved, while Simon Kacsics had descendants (his last known offspring was still alive in 1299), Bánk's son-in-law, Simon died without issue prior to 1270. Pauler considered Simon was among the killers, and his involvement caused his father-in-law's political downfall years later.^[12] Veszprémy argued there is no record of Simon's active involvement in the murder, according to the unclear term of the medieval legal system.^[27] Körmendi emphasized Simon's lands escheated to the crown because of his death without issue and not for his alleged involvement in the assassination.^[23]

The participation of John, Archbishop of Esztergom in the conspiracy also arose. His involvement is mentioned by Italian scholar Boncompagno da Signa's tractate Rhetorica novissima, Alberic of Trois-Fontaines' Chronica and Matthew of Paris' Chronica Majora and Historia Anglorum.^[28] These works unanimously note John's famous phrase in his letter to Hungarian nobles planning the assassination of Gertrude: "Reginam occidere nolite timere bonum est si omnes consentiunt ego non contradico", can be roughly translated into "Kill Queen you must not fear will be good if all agree I do not oppose". The meaning is highly dependent on punctuation: either the speaker wishes a queen killed ("Kill Queen, you must not fear, will be good if all agree, I do not oppose") or not ("Kill Queen you must not, fear will be good, if all agree I do not, oppose").^[28] László Veszprémy considered the anecdote first appeared in the Annals of Salzburg after an oral spread among the lower clergymen.^[27] On the other hand, Tamás Körmendi argued the ambiguous letter was subscribed as a result of a subsequent insertion. It is possible that Boncompagno heard the story in the Roman Curia and incorporated it into his rhetoric dissertation and textbook (published in 1235, the first written source of John's alleged letter). Both Boncompagno and Alberic mention that Andrew accused John of participating in the murder before the Holy See. However Pope Innocent III, pointing out the correct use of commas, acquitted the archbishop from the charges. These references emphasize the letter's unintended ambiguity and, thus, John's approval of murder.^[28] Körmendi emphasized the historiographical doubts regarding the authenticity of the letter, as John retained his influence in the upcoming years after the assassination. The historian also argued the preservation of the letter would have been irrational step, moreover the majority of the Hungarian nobility were illiterate during that time.^[29]

Witnesses

The various sources mention only four people who were present as eyewitnesses during the assassination, but due to the differing credibility of the sources, it is certain that not all of them were actually present. A group of works (see below) marks Archbishop Berthold, Gertrude's brother as a key figure in the case. However, only the Galician–Volhynian Chronicle states that Berthold was present during the assassination. Despite the doubtful authenticity of the chronicle's report, historian Tamás Körmendi accepted the information on Berthold's presence, since a letter of Pope Innocent III to Archbishop John of Esztergom in January 1214 refers to the physical assault on Berthold. According to the pope's letter, during the rebellion many clergy and monks in the Archdiocese of Kalocsa suffered physical insult and material damage. Innocent instructed John to excommunicate the perpetrators. In addition, the pope also sent a letter to the "dukes of Poland" not to give any refuge to the perpetrators who might flee abroad.^[30]

The Annals of Admont (Annales Admontenses) and the 15th-century historian Thomas Ebendorfer's Austrian Chronicle (Chronicon Austriae) mention the presence of the Austrian duke Leopold VI too. Despite relevant factual errors (e.g. the date), Tamás Körmendi accepted the information of the mid-13th-century annals, since the work provides a very detailed and authentic account of the activities of the Austrian dukes. Accordingly, Leopold arrived to Hungary after his return from Calatrava la Vieja during the Albigensian Crusade. The Annals of Admont claims that the assassins intended to kill Leopold too, but Körmendi refused this, considering the monks of the Admont Abbey (its right of patronage was possessed by the duke) sought to increase the importance of Leopold.^[31]

The continuation of the Royal Chronicle of Cologne (Chronica regia Coloniensis) and three other works – Annals of Admont, Rainer of Liége's annals (Reinerus Leodiensis) and the Galician–Volhynian Chronicle –, which used its text, claim that Andrew II was present during the assassination of his wife, the Galician–Volhynian Chronicle even states that the real target was actually the king. In contrast, the Annals of Salzburg and four derivative texts refer to the fact that the assassination took place when Andrew II led a campaign into Halych. Körmendi emphasized there is no sign of a nationwide rebellion against the king in 1213 and the subsequent royal charters do not mention that the conspirators attempted to murder Andrew himself. Andrew refers to conspiracies against him in 1209–1210 and 1214 too, but not in 1213.^[32]

A single source, the Chronicle of the Anonymus of Leoben (Chronicon Leobiense) claims that Gertrude's other brother, Ekbert was the one who forced the wife of a Hungarian lord to commit adultery, which resulted the assassination. The chronicle says Ekbert was present during the crime. It is plausible that the anonymous author confused Ekbert with Berthold. Although Ekbert resided in Hungary for a while, but departed for Austria long before the assassination.^[33][34]

Motivations

With the beginning of the narration of the Annals of Göttweig, several contemporary and near-contemporary works mark the queen's pro-German attitude as a motive for her assassination. A side note from the Hungarian chronicler Anonymus (see above) strengthens this standpoint.^[8] However, as mentioned in the background section, there is no trace of the beneficiary status of the Germans in the sources and royal donations of the time.^[10]

The Austrian Rhyming Chronicle is the earliest known work, which preserved the alleged story of that Archbishop Berthold raped Bánk Bár-Kalán's wife, which was the immediate cause of the assassination of the queen, who acted as a procuress in the adultery. According to this narration, Bánk led the conspirators and stabbed Gertrude with a sword personally. The chronicle was compiled by a Hungarian cleric in Klosterneuburg Abbey, Lower Austria around 1270. The chronicle claims that Béla IV ordered to slaughter all participants of the assassination, after he ascended the Hungarian throne in 1235.^[35] Its text was utilized by the Annals of the Dominicans of Vienna at the end of the 13th century. In addition, the annals used other source too, since, unlike the Austrian Rhyming Chronicle, it mentions Bánk's alleged German name ("Prenger") and the exact date of the assassination.^[15] The 14th-century Illuminated Chronicle (Chronicon Pictum) took over the story too, which then made a decisive contribution to making the story rooted in the Hungarian chronicle and historiographical tradition and, subsequently, the Hungarian-language literature and culture.^[36] Other works, which spread this narration too, emphasize the innocence of Gertrude regarding the adultery between Berthold and Bánk's wife.^[37]

The Annals of Admont, the Royal Chronicle of Cologne, Rainer of Liége's annals and the Galician–Volhynian Chronicle claim the real target of the assassination was King Andrew II himself. Historian Bálint Hóman assumed the conspirators attempted to oust Andrew from power in order to replace him with his heir, the seven-year-old Béla. However, since Andrew led a campaign to Halych during the assassination, killing the queen certainly would not have caused his downfall.^[38] Gertrude's active role in the government as a queen was an unusual phenomenon in Hungary, which could be opposed by a group of barons.^[4] Tamás Körmendi does not reject the possibility of personal revenge as a motivation for the assassination. It is possible that Peter, who was considered still the queen's confidant in early 1213, became involved in an undefined personal conflict with Queen Gertrude, but its nature, due to lack of resources, remained obscure.^[39]

Group A – Pro-German attitude

This group contains those narrations which mark Gertrude's favoritism towards her German or Meranian courtiers as the cause of her assassination. These are the earliest sources on the murder, the texts were created within a few years in the territory of the Holy Roman Empire.^[16]

1. Annals of Göttweig (Annales Gotwicenses): the earliest foreign record of the assassination, this section written in the Benedictine Göttweig Abbey in Lower Austria, around the same time as the assassination. Accordingly, the magnates of Hungary, "uniting their armed and violent hands", murdered Gertrude because of their "hatred towards Germans".^[48]
2. Annals of Marbach (Annales Marbacenses): written in the Augustinian Marbach Abbey in Alsace around 1230. Körmendi considered the friars were informed through Cistercians from Hungary via the monks of Neuburg Abbey. The annals write that Gertrude was assassinated because of her "largesse and generosity" towards her German entourage. It narrates that one of the murderers, ispán Peter was impaled "through his belly" by Andrew II. Unidentified others were also captured and executed with different penalties. Körmendi argued this note is one of the most reliable and trustable written sources of the murder.^[40]
3. Annals of Admont (Annales Admontenses): its first continuation (in the period 1140–1257) contains unique elements on the assassination. Accordingly, Gertrude was murdered because of the Hungarians' "hatred towards Germans" in the presence of King Andrew II. The text also emphasizes that Duke Leopold was present during the assassination. It incorrectly put the date of the crime to the end of the year 1211. Regarding the assassination, the text may have been revised and rewritten at least once.^[49]
4. Royal Chronicle of Cologne (Chronica regia Coloniensis): The text, its continuation (written from 1202 to 1220), places the date of the murder to the year 1210. It contains a multi-distorted narration; Andrew was unable to capture a fort with his army. Upon Gertrude's advice, he hired German knights from her entourage, who successfully besieged this fort. The Germans were granted many gifts and positions. The jealous Hungarians intended to assassinate Andrew II, but Gertrude warned her husband. Andrew and his men left the camp, but Gertrude remained, and, thereafter, was brutally slaughtered with spears and stakes. Andrew captured all conspirators, along with their supporters, and ordered to execute them.^[50]
5. Rainer of Liége's annals (Reinerus Leodiensis): the Benedictine author (1157 – after 1230), who continued the annals of the St. James Abbey in Liège, used the same source as the Royal Chronicle of Cologne regarding the assassination. According to the text, Andrew II, the real target, narrowly escaped from the palace, where Gertrude was assassinated.^[51]

Group B – Andrew's absence

Veszprémy listed those sources within the group, which refer to Peter, son of Töre as the assassin, mention Andrew departure to the Principality of Halych and Archbishop John's famous letter.^[16] Considering the latter as later insertions, Körmendi separated those texts where the prelate's role is appeared.^[41]

1. Annals of Salzburg (Annales Salisburgenses): its main corpus was written before 1216. It narrates that while Andrew led a campaign into Halych, the queen was murdered by Peter "as revenge for her sin". Peter himself, along with others, was captured and beheaded the next night. Its other text variant (compiled after 1222) contains John's letter, which is a subsequent insertion.^[41]
2. Continuation of Magnus von Reichersberg's Chronicle: the unidentified author took over the text from the Annals of Salzburg. Accordingly, during the king's absence, Peter and others assassinated the queen. He was executed together with his wife and others.^[52]
3. Annals of Hermann of Altach (Annales Hermanni): Its author, the Abbot of Niederaltaich, used the text of the Annals of Salzburg. Hermann writes that Gertrude, "the mother of Saint Elizabeth", was assassinated by a certain ispán Peter, while the Hungarian king led a campaign against the Rus'. Peter and his accompanies were beheaded the next night. The text also contains the story of the letter of the bishop of Esztergom (sic!).^[53]
4. Chronicle of Osterhofen (Chronicon Osterhoviense): the chronicle from the Osterhofen Abbey (written around 1306) contains the same text as in Hermann of Altach's annals.^[53]
5. Benedictine Annals of Augsburg (Annales Sanctorum Udalrici et Afrae Augustenses): compiled by the Benedictine monks of the St. Ulrich's and St. Afra's Abbey in Augsburg. It contains the same text as in Hermann of Altach's annals.^[53]
6. Foundations of Monasteries in Bavaria (Fundationes monasteriorum Bavariae): the compilation contains the same text as in Hermann of Altach's annals, but with wrong year (1211). It also mentions the queen's death in an earlier entry, under the year 1200.^[53]
7. Chronicle of the Anonymus of Leoben (Chronicon Leobiense): the unidentified author writes about the assassination twice, under the years 1213 and 1217 (the latter is just a four-word marginal note). It narrates that "the mother of Saint Elizabeth" was murdered by a noble, a certain "Peter of Várad", because the queen's brother Ekbert committed adultery with Peter's wife with Gertrude's knowledge. Subsequently, Béla, the queen's son confiscated Peter's castle and established a Cistercian abbey in its place. The manuscript also mentions "a bishop"'s letter. The untrustworthy text contaminates parallel oral traditions into a single text, but the information of the foundation of Bélakút Abbey is authentic.^[43]

Group C – Reginam occidere

These sources only contain the alleged letter of John, Archbishop of Esztergom in connection with the assassination of Queen Gertrude. The story was later also included in a second-hand manuscript of the Annals of Salzburg and its derivative texts (see above).

1. The Latest Rhetoric (Rhetorica novissima): Boncompagno da Signa's rhetoric textbook, written before 1235, is the earliest work, which contains the story of the letter. Accordingly, King Andrew accused Archbishop John of participating in the murder before the Holy See. However Pope Innocent III, pointing out the correct use of commas, acquitted the archbishop from the charges. These references emphasize the letter's unintended ambiguity and, thus, John's approval of murder. Boncompagno resided in the papal court from 1229 to 1234, it is plausible he heard the story during his stay there.^[54]
2. Alberic of Trois-Fontaines' Chronicle (Chronica Albrici Monachi Trium Fontium): the chronicler refers to the history of John's ambiguous letter as "well-known", as a result of which the archbishop was acquitted, "it is said". It is possible that Alberic used oral reports from Cistercian monks.^[55]
3. Major Chronicle (Chronica Majora): it is possible that Matthew of Paris used Boncompagno's rhetoric textbook.^[56]
4. The History of England (Historia Anglorum): Matthew of Paris' other work mentions that the assassins carried out the murder with the approval of the archbishop. The reinterpretation of the letter praises Pope Innocent's ingenuity.^[56]

Group D – Bánk's revenge

Those sources belong to this group, where Gertrude's alleged role of procuress in the adulterous affair between her brother and Bánk Bár-Kalán's wife appear.^[16]

1. Austrian Rhyming Chronicle (Chronicon rhytmicum Austriacum): it was written by a Hungarian-born cleric in Klosterneuburg Abbey around 1270. According to several German and Austrian historians (e.g. Wilhelm Wattenbach and Karl Uhlirz), the author used only verbal or oral notifications, while Ernst Klebel argued the Annals of Heiligenkreuz was available to the chronicler. Gerlinde Möser-Mersky considered the author used the lost annals of the Schottenstift in Vienna.^[35] According to Gyula Pauler, the Hungarian cleric witnessed the fall of Bánk Bár-Kalán and the subsequent political purges after Béla IV ascended the Hungarian throne in 1235, and connected these with the retaliation for the assassination of Queen Gertrude.^[57] Körmendi considered the author maybe used the mid-13th-century edition of the Hungarian chronicle composition. The Austrian Rhyming Chronicle is the earliest known work, where the Bánk story is appeared: Berthold persuaded the queen, his sister, to help him seduce the wife of Bánk. Gertrude was initially hesitant but, eventually, assisted her brother. In retaliation, Bánk and his confidants conspired against the queen, beheading her at a "field tent". The assassins were held accountable only after Béla was crowned.^[35]
2. Annals of the Dominicans of Vienna (Annales Praedicatorum Vindobonensium): the first work (late 13th century), which provides the exact date of the assassination.^[16] Accordingly, Gertrude was murdered in a "field tent" on 28 September, because she helped her brother, the Patriarch of Aquileia (anachronism) to seduce the wife of Bánk, also called Prenger. Körmendi argued the manuscript used the text of the Austrian Rhyming Chronicle, in addition to necrologies.^[15]
3. World Chronicle (Weltchronik): the Austrian chronicler Jans der Enikel (late 13th century) compiled a completely unreliable report in the second appendix of his Middle High German-language universal chronicle; following the death of King Stephen (sic!), he left behind a widow Gertrude and an heir Béla. The powerful Prangaer family sought to get power over Hungary. Despite their invitation, the bishop of Győr refused to join their cause and clearly warned the conspirators against attempting to assassinate the queen. Despite that, Gertrude was attacked and beheaded, while the child Béla was assaulted but survived. Thereafter, after growing up, Béla ordered to massacre the entire Prangaer kinship. Because of the family name, Gerlinde Möser-Mersky assumed a philological connection between Jans der Enikel's chronicle and the Annals of the Dominicans of Vienna. Körmendi argued both works used a same, now lost source.^[58]
4. Illuminated Chronicle (Chronicon Pictum): also known as the 14th-century Hungarian chronicle composition, the only medieval chronicle in Hungary (compiled in the 1350s) from the pre-Renaissance era, which narrates the assassination of Queen Gertrude. It incorrectly dates the event to the year 1212. According to Körmendi, the (original) author utilized the narration of the Austrian Rhyming Chronicle, or vica versa. Later, the text of the Illuminated Chronicle was utilized by subsequent Hungarian chronicles and Henry of Mügeln's Ungarnchronik.^[36]
5. Austrian Chronicle (Chronicon Austriae): Thomas Ebendorfer compiled his work between 1449 and 1452. The author incorrectly connected the events of assassination to King Andrew's departure for his participation in the Fifth Crusade in 1217–1218. It also claims that Gertrude was the daughter of the duke of Moravia. According to the historian, Leopold VI was present during the skirmish. Ebendorfer utilized the text of the Illuminated Chronicle supplementing with the narration of the Annals of Admont.^[59]

Group E – Miscellaneous

These works do not connect either narrative traditions and there is no philological connection between each other.^[60]

1. Annals of Conrad of Scheyern (Conradus Biblothecarius): the author was the librarian of the Benedictine Scheyern Abbey from 1205 to 1241. He compiled the annals up to 1226. According to the text, Gertrude was assassinated "by her own nobles" in 1214 (sic!).^[60]
2. Legend of St. Elizabeth (Vita Sanctae Elisabethae de Thuringia): Theodoric of Apolda wrote the hagiography of St. Elizabeth, Gertrude's daughter, in 1290. The text narrates that Gertrude was "brutally murdered by the magnates and nobles of the realm, who conspired evilly for her death". It correctly places the date to 1213. It is possible that Theodoric utilized the now-lost Annals of Reinhardsbrunn.^[60]
3. Short Bavarian–Austrian Annals (Annales Bavarici et Austriaci breves): an early 14th-century record, which is similar to Conrad of Scheyern's wording.^[63]
4. Chronicle of Reinhardsbrunn (Chronica Reinhardsbrunnensis): it was compiled in the late 14th century and is almost verbatim with the hagiography of St. Elizabeth by Theodoric of Apolda. The authors used the now-lost Annals of Reinhardsbrunn.^[63]
5. Chronicle of Thuringia (Düringische Chronik): the author is Johannes Rothe (c. 1360–1434), chaplain of Anna of Schwarzburg-Blankenburg, the spouse of Frederick IV, Landgrave of Thuringia. He finished his German-language work in 1421. Regarding the assassination of Gertrude, the chronicle provides a unique story: Hungarian lords conspired against the "pious" Gertrude in 1212, because one of them intended his own daughter to be the queen of the country. As a result of their intriques, the king ordered to decapitate his queen but the daughter of the Hungarian lord never became queen.^[63]